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"Canada can, within a positive friendly atmosphere, ask the Chinese government to resolve the Tibetan situation."

Tibet’s new Prime Minister faces challenges ahead

June 11, 2011


June 10th, 2011

Author: Fiona McConnell, University of Cambridge


When Tibet makes the headlines it is usually for one of three issues:
Chinese government crackdowns; ‘Free Tibet’ protests in the West; or
the Dalai Lama’s meetings with world leaders.


A different story has engaged the international community in recent
weeks: the election of a new Kalon Tripa, or Prime Minister, of the
Tibetan Government in Exile.

Receiving 55 per cent of the ballots, Dr Lobsang Sangay, a Harvard law
scholar, was elected on 27 April. Whilst democratic elections have
been organised by the exile government since 1960, this year’s
elections are important for one key reason: on 14 March 2011, the
Dalai Lama announced to the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile that he was
retiring from political life and would devolve his political authority
to elected leaders.

Despite this decision raising important constitutional issues for the
exile government, the transferral of political authority to an elected
leadership is seen by the Dalai Lama as in the best interests of the
Tibetan people. It circumvents China’s claim to appoint the next Dalai
Lama by positioning Tibetan temporal authority outside of China, and
encourages the elected exile leadership to assume greater
responsibility. The Dalai Lama’s decision to stand down from political
life means that the new Kalon Tripa is expected to take on much of the
political authority previously borne by His Holiness. With more
political clout, Lobsang Sangay will play a significantly more
prominent role in the Tibetan movement than his predecessors.

Born in 1968 to parents who escaped from Tibet in 1959, Lobsang Sangay
grew up in a Tibetan refugee settlement near Darjeeling. In 1992 he
was elected as an executive member of the Tibetan Youth Congress
(TYC), the largest Tibetan NGO in exile. With a Tibetan Fulbright
Fellowship, he moved to Harvard Law School in 1995 where he received
his LLM and later, a doctorate. During his time there, he held the
position of Research Fellow at the East Asian Legal Studies Program,
and organised a series of conferences bringing together Chinese,
Tibetan and Western legal scholars.

Young, Western-educated and secular, Sangay represents a significant
shift in exile leadership, and the recent elections have heralded a
new era of Tibetan politics. To date, Tibetan democracy has been
dominated by cultural values which promote humility and regard
self-promotion negatively, resulting in candidates who are often
reluctant to put themselves forward and a general lack of voter
engagement. In contrast, with the Dalai Lama’s impending retirement
alongside dynamic candidates and an increasingly web-savvy diaspora,
the 2011 elections saw lively political debates in cities across the
world. With unprecedented public engagement in these elections,
especially among younger Tibetans, exile democracy is finally coming
of age.

What about the future of Tibet itself? In initial statements
post-election, Sangay declared his intention to retain the Dalai
Lama’s ‘Middle Way’ stance on the future of Tibet and relations with
China. He will seek genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within
China through peaceful negotiations. Questions have arisen regarding
how Sangay, who has never set foot in Tibet, will foster such a
dialogue with Beijing. He has stated that he is ‘willing to negotiate
with the Chinese government anytime, anywhere’, but faces significant
challenges. With nine rounds of talks between the Dalai Lama’s envoys
and the Chinese Communist Party’s United Front Work Department having
yielded no progress, the Middle Way approach is arguably at an
impasse. Moreover, alongside on-going statements that the exile
Tibetan government is an illegal separatist clique, the Chinese
Government’s reaction to Sangay has been swift and damning. The
Chinese People’s Daily denounced him as a ‘terrorist’ due to his
previous position with the pro-independence TYC. Beijing likens TYC to
‘Al-Qaida, Chechnyan armed terrorists and ‘East Turkistan’
separatists’, and blames it for the uprising in Lhasa in spring 2008:
allegations which the organisation categorically denies.

As such, Beijing is refusing to deal with Sangay or his government
directly, and the extent to which the Dalai Lama will remain involved
in the ‘dialogue process’ remains undecided. Perhaps other strategies
will emerge. With the Dalai Lama standing down from Tibetan politics,
space may open for debate within the diaspora over alternative
policies for the future of the homeland, and Sangay is keen to stress
his track record of closed-door discussions with Chinese scholars.

Great uncertainties lie ahead and Sangay faces daunting challenges. As
the elected leader of a government which no state recognises he has
the unenviable tasks of keeping the exile community together and the
issue of Tibet alive in a post-Dalai Lama future; running an exile
bureaucracy despite no experience of government; and dealing with a
Chinese administration which shows little willingness to compromise.
But he also comes to office with energy and enthusiasm for seeking
justice for Tibet, the support of an exile civil service with 50 years
of experience, and optimism from Tibetans inside and outside Tibet.
International media are likely to keep a close eye on his progress.

Fiona McConnell is a political geographer and Junior Research Fellow
at Trinity College, University of Cambridge. Her research focuses on
the everyday construction of statehood and sovereignty in cases of
tenuous territoriality.

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