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"We Tibetans are looking for a legitimate and meaningful autonomy, an arrangement that would enable Tibetans to live within the framework of the People’s Republic of China."

"Dalai Lama's high-degree autonomy for Tibet" means overthrowing China's social system

October 9, 2007

Xinhua is the official mouthpiece of the Communist Party and the 
government of China

     BEIJING, Oct. 5 (Xinhuanet) -- Following is the full text of an 
article titled "'Dalai Lama's high-degree autonomy for Tibet' means 
overthrowing China's social system" by Hua Zi:

     In an interview following the Fifth Session of the Tenth 
National People' s Congress (NPC) in 2007, a reporter from 
Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung asked Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao that 
why the Chinese Government still regarded the Dalai Lama as a 
national secessionist since he indicated that he no longer sought 
Tibet independence?

     Premier Wen replied: "Tibet is an autonomous region of China. If 
you still remember, this Dalai Lama served as the chairman of the 
Preparatory Committee for Establishing the Tibet Autonomous Region in 
1956. But he later set up the so-called provisional government 
abroad. He stressed 'a high degree of autonomy' for Tibet and even 
went so far as to demand the total withdrawal of Chinese troops from 
Tibet and Han people and people of non-Tibetan ethnic groups residing 
in Tibet. It is not difficult to observe whether he really hopes for 
the unification of the motherland or he attempts to sabotage the 
motherland's unification. We will see not only what he says, but also 
what he does. We hope that the Dalai Lama will do more good things 
for the motherland's unification and development in Tibet."

     With regard to the policy of the Central Government on the Dalai 
Lama, the cardinal principle has always remained unchanged. Shortly 
after he went into exile in 1959, Mao Zedong had pointed out in 
explicit terms: "The Dalai Lama can return home as long as he backs 
the two principles: first, Tibet is a part of China; second, 
democratic and socialist reforms must be carried out in Tibet." 
Today, the expression of the Central Government concerning the Dalai 
issue is that "as long as he renounces his proposition of "Tibet 
independence", stops his secessionist activities and recognizes Tibet 
as a part of China, Taiwan as a part of China as well and the 
government of the People's Republic of China as the sole legitimate 
government representing the whole of China, the gate to engagement 
and negotiations is open. The words are different and yet the 
principles are in one continuous line.

     Viewing the pursuits of the Dalai Lama, "Tibet independence" has 
always been obviously written in his so-called "Exile-Government 
Constitution," with no revisions ever made to date. Some people in 
the world kept on saying that the Dalai Lama has abandoned "Tibet 
independence. " In fact, however, they can know the whole truth by 
just spending one minute reading the "Constitution." Since the late 
1970s, the Dalai Lama has put forward pursuits in succession such as 
"a high-degree of autonomy," "a greater Tibet region" and "one 
country, two systems." All this was described by some people as "the 
Dalai Lama working for the benefit of the Tibet people, the 
preservation of the traditional Tibetan culture and the carrying 
forward of Tibetan Buddhism. " In the eyes of wise people, however, 
these high-sounding words cannot cover Dalai Lama's two basic 
targets: "Tibet independence" and opposition to the current social 
system as prescribed by China's Constitution.

     The Dalai Lama used to support China's Constitution and social 
system. On November 17, 1950, he came into power at the age of less 
than 16. We can see that the young Dalai Lama indeed cherished the 
ideal and wish to do something for Tibet, although it was the storm 
of various types of conflicts that pushed him to the forefront of the 
Tibetan local government combining religion and political affairs and 
there were all kinds of people with various purposes who attempted to 
influence him in making decisions. In accordance with the wish of the 
Tibetan people, he followed the advices of patriotic forces of the 
upper class represented by Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme to enable the Tibetan 
local government to sign with the Central Government the 17- Point 
Agreement on liberating Tibet peacefully. In 1954, he came to Beijing 
to attend the First Session of the National People's Congress, at 
which he was elected vice chairman of the Standing Committee, 
becoming a state leader. When discussing the first Draft Constitution 
of the People's Republic of China, he said, "The Constitution of the 
People's Republic of China conforms to the national interests of the 
whole country," "In particular, the Draft Constitution stipulates 
that various ethnic groups may formulate their own autonomous 
regulations in accordance with their own development characteristics, 
in order to fully exercise their autonomous rights." In 1956, the 
Preparatory Committee for Establishing the Tibet Autonomous Region 
was established and the Dalai Lama was elected the chairman. He said 
in his report at the inaugural ceremony: "The establishment of the 
Preparatory Committee for Establishing Tibetan Autonomous Region is 
not only in good time but also necessary," "We sincerely support the 
policy of the Communist Party of China and the Central People's 
Government on practicing regional autonomy in areas inhabited by the 
people of ethnic groups, equality and unity among various ethnic 
groups, and on protecting freedom in religious belief."

     Regrettably, the then Dalai Lama was still young after all, and 
did not resist and finally yielded to the influence and control of 
two old forces. One force was the imperialist force that used him to 
curb the development of the newly-born People's Republic of China led 
by the Communist Party of China. The other force involved the people 
around him who incited him to oppose the reform and split the nation. 
These people were beneficiaries of the feudal serfdom integrating 
politics and religion, including his family members. These people 
could not accept the change in the social system that would come 
sooner or later, and could not tolerate the deprivation of their 
various feudal privileges. Therefore, they attempted to protect their 
rights and interests at all costs, including eventually instigating 
the Dalai Lama to flee from the motherland.

     After the Dalai Lama went abroad, he was more closely surrounded 
and influenced by the former serf-owners and secessionists, and 
depended on others for subsistence. Since then, he has gone farther 
and farther on the path to betray his homeland and the people, 
becoming a tool of foreign anti-China forces and a chief 
representative of the "Tibet independence" secessionist forces. Mao 
Zedong well perceived this clearly long ago. He said, "If he (the 
Dalai Lama) is willing to return home and can break away from the 
reactionaries, we hope that he can return home. In fact, however, it 
seems impossible for him to return home now. He is unable to break 
away from these people." In the 40-plus years after the Dalai Lama' 
left his hometown, Tibet has carried out democratic reforms, 
established the socialist system under which the people serve as the 
masters of the country, practiced regional autonomy for the people of 
ethnic groups, and made "sweeping" progress in the large family of 
the socialist motherland. Even the people who still yearn for the 
feudal serfdom have to acknowledge that the present-day Tibet is much 
better than that old Tibet. Although the reason is simple and the 
fact is clear, some people still cannot accept this. The Dalai Lama 
is such a person.

     In no way is Dalai Lama willing to acknowledge the present 
social system in Tibet. He has been to the United States and Europe 
to put forward the so-called "Five-Point Peace Plan for Tibet" and 
the "new Seven-Point Proposal" and preach his propositions such as 
"autonomy in the true sense," "one country, two systems" and "the 
greater Tibetan region." He did all this under the signboard of 
enabling the Tibetan people to become the true masters of Tibet and 
to shake off "dictatorship," so as to achieve "democracy" and receive 
"the real benefits." But as a matter of fact, he refused to accept 
and attempted to overthrow the socialist system and the ethnic 
regional autonomous system that has been practiced for 40-plus years 
in Tibet, for the purpose of restoring the "paradise" for a tiny 
number of people in old Tibet.

     Last year, a scholar named Yiduo published an article titled "My 
view on Dalai Lama's 'Middle Road'" and explained in detail the 
"mystery" of Dalai Lama's attempts. All of us might as well read his 
article. The article pointed out that the essence of Dalai Lama's so-
called "middle road" is to change Tibet's socialist system and 
restore the feudal serfdom in old Tibet; to change the ethnic 
regional autonomous system, which has been practiced for more than 40 
years in Tibet, in an attempt to pursue the so-called "high degree of 
autonomy." This means that the Central Government is in charge of the 
foreign affairs and national defense only, that the relationship 
between Tibet and the Central Government is defined as that of a so-
called "union" and that Tibet should be made an "international peace 
zone." But in fact, the Central Government's powers in foreign 
affairs and national defense exist in name only. So, the "middle 
road" attempts to overthrow the leading position of the Communist 
Party of China and to enable his so-called "exile government" to 
return home and take over Tibet. This many people in the world see 
very clearly. In his book "Dalai Lama and China - the Solution to the 
Tibet Issue," Melvyn Goldstein, a U.S. expert on Tibet, said, 
"Dharamsala has found they are in an awkward situation. Obviously, 
Beijing will never allow Tibet to practice a different political 
system, let alone independence." "China's uncompromising attitude 
makes them feel angry and frustrated. Besides, at the bottom of their 
hearts, they cannot believe that they can live under rule of the 
Communist Party of China." "In fact, the communist party's rule is 

     The barrier between the Dalai Lama and the Central Government 
cannot be removed easily if both sides take a step back, as hoped for 
by some kind people. The socialist system and ethnic regional 
autonomous system are the historic choice made by the Tibetan people. 
They constitute the system guarantee for Tibet's development and 
progress, and have taken root in land in Tibet and among the people 
of all ethnic groups residing there. If the Dalai Lama does not want 
to change his position, he would probably have no choice but to waste 
the rest of his life in Dharamsala.

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