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Commentary: "Dalai Lama´s high-degree autonomy for Tibet" means overthrowing China´s social system

April 29, 2008

Source: Xinhuanet | 04-28-2008 14:53
Special Report: Dalai clique doomed to fail

BEIJING, Oct. 5 (Xinhuanet) -- Following is the full text of an article
titled "'Dalai Lama's high-degree autonomy for Tibet' means overthrowing
China's social system" by Hua Zi:

In an interview following the Fifth Session of the Tenth National
People' s Congress (NPC) in 2007, a reporter from Frankfurter Allgemeine
Zeitung asked Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao that why the Chinese Government
still regarded the Dalai Lama as a national secessionist since he
indicated that he no longer sought Tibet independence?

Premier Wen replied: "Tibet is an autonomous region of China. If you
still remember, this Dalai Lama served as the chairman of the
Preparatory Committee for Establishing the Tibet Autonomous Region in
1956. But he later set up the so-called provisional government abroad.
He stressed ‘a high degree of autonomy' for Tibet and even went so far
as to demand the total withdrawal of Chinese troops from Tibet and Han
people and people of non-Tibetan ethnic groups residing in Tibet. It is
not difficult to observe whether he really hopes for the unification of
the motherland or he attempts to sabotage the motherland's unification.
We will see not only what he says, but also what he does. We hope that
the Dalai Lama will do more good things for the motherland's unification
and development in Tibet."

With regard to the policy of the Central Government on the Dalai Lama,
the cardinal principle has always remained unchanged. Shortly after he
went into exile in 1959, Mao Zedong had pointed out in explicit terms:
"The Dalai Lama can return home as long as he backs the two principles:
first, Tibet is a part of China; second, democratic and socialist
reforms must be carried out in Tibet." Today, the expression of the
Central Government concerning the Dalai issue is that "as long as he
renounces his proposition of "Tibet independence", stops his
secessionist activities and recognizes Tibet as a part of China, Taiwan
as a part of China as well and the government of the People's Republic
of China as the sole legitimate government representing the whole of
China, the gate to engagement and negotiations is open. The words are
different and yet the principles are in one continuous line.

Viewing the pursuits of the Dalai Lama, "Tibet independence" has always
been obviously written in his so-called "Exile-Government Constitution,"
with no revisions ever made to date. Some people in the world kept on
saying that the Dalai Lama has abandoned "Tibet independence. " In fact,
however, they can know the whole truth by just spending one minute
reading the "Constitution." Since the late 1970s, the Dalai Lama has put
forward pursuits in succession such as "a high-degree of autonomy," "a
greater Tibet region" and "one country, two systems." All this was
described by some people as "the Dalai Lama working for the benefit of
the Tibet people, the preservation of the traditional Tibetan culture
and the carrying forward of Tibetan Buddhism. " In the eyes of wise
people, however, these high-sounding words cannot cover Dalai Lama's two
basic targets: "Tibet independence" and opposition to the current social
system as prescribed by China's Constitution.

The Dalai Lama used to support China's Constitution and social system.
On November 17, 1950, he came into power at the age of less than 16. We
can see that the young Dalai Lama indeed cherished the ideal and wish to
do something for Tibet, although it was the storm of various types of
conflicts that pushed him to the forefront of the Tibetan local
government combining religion and political affairs and there were all
kinds of people with various purposes who attempted to influence him in
making decisions. In accordance with the wish of the Tibetan people, he
followed the advices of patriotic forces of the upper class represented
by Ngapoi Ngawang Jigme to enable the Tibetan local government to sign
with the Central Government the 17- Point Agreement on liberating Tibet
peacefully. In 1954, he came to Beijing to attend the First Session of
the National People's Congress, at which he was elected vice chairman of
the Standing Committee, becoming a state leader. When discussing the
first Draft Constitution of the People's Republic of China, he said,
"The Constitution of the People's Republic of China conforms to the
national interests of the whole country," "In particular, the Draft
Constitution stipulates that various ethnic groups may formulate their
own autonomous regulations in accordance with their own development
characteristics, in order to fully exercise their autonomous rights." In
1956, the Preparatory Committee for Establishing the Tibet Autonomous
Region was established and the Dalai Lama was elected the chairman. He
said in his report at the inaugural ceremony: "The establishment of the
Preparatory Committee for Establishing Tibetan Autonomous Region is not
only in good time but also necessary," "We sincerely support the policy
of the Communist Party of China and the Central People's Government on
practicing regional autonomy in areas inhabited by the people of ethnic
groups, equality and unity among various ethnic groups, and on
protecting freedom in religious belief."

Regrettably, the then Dalai Lama was still young after all, and did not
resist and finally yielded to the influence and control of two old
forces. One force was the imperialist force that used him to curb the
development of the newly-born People's Republic of China led by the
Communist Party of China. The other force involved the people around him
who incited him to oppose the reform and split the nation. These people
were beneficiaries of the feudal serfdom integrating politics and
religion, including his family members. These people could not accept
the change in the social system that would come sooner or later, and
could not tolerate the deprivation of their various feudal privileges.
Therefore, they attempted to protect their rights and interests at all
costs, including eventually instigating the Dalai Lama to flee from the
motherland.

After the Dalai Lama went abroad, he was more closely surrounded and
influenced by the former serf-owners and secessionists, and depended on
others for subsistence. Since then, he has gone farther and farther on
the path to betray his homeland and the people, becoming a tool of
foreign anti-China forces and a chief representative of the "Tibet
independence" secessionist forces. Mao Zedong well perceived this
clearly long ago. He said, "If he (the Dalai Lama) is willing to return
home and can break away from the reactionaries, we hope that he can
return home. In fact, however, it seems impossible for him to return
home now. He is unable to break away from these people." In the 40-plus
years after the Dalai Lama' left his hometown, Tibet has carried out
democratic reforms, established the socialist system under which the
people serve as the masters of the country, practiced regional autonomy
for the people of ethnic groups, and made "sweeping" progress in the
large family of the socialist motherland. Even the people who still
yearn for the feudal serfdom have to acknowledge that the present-day
Tibet is much better than that old Tibet. Although the reason is simple
and the fact is clear, some people still cannot accept this. The Dalai
Lama is such a person.

In no way is Dalai Lama willing to acknowledge the present social system
in Tibet. He has been to the United States and Europe to put forward the
so-called "Five-Point Peace Plan for Tibet" and the "new Seven-Point
Proposal" and preach his propositions such as "autonomy in the true
sense," "one country, two systems" and "the greater Tibetan region." He
did all this under the signboard of enabling the Tibetan people to
become the true masters of Tibet and to shake off "dictatorship," so as
to achieve "democracy" and receive "the real benefits." But as a matter
of fact, he refused to accept and attempted to overthrow the socialist
system and the ethnic regional autonomous system that has been practiced
for 40-plus years in Tibet, for the purpose of restoring the "paradise"
for a tiny number of people in old Tibet.

Last year, a scholar named Yiduo published an article titled "My view on
Dalai Lama's ‘Middle Road'" and explained in detail the "mystery" of
Dalai Lama's attempts. All of us might as well read his article. The
article pointed out that the essence of Dalai Lama's so-called "middle
road" is to change Tibet's socialist system and restore the feudal
serfdom in old Tibet; to change the ethnic regional autonomous system,
which has been practiced for more than 40 years in Tibet, in an attempt
to pursue the so-called "high degree of autonomy." This means that the
Central Government is in charge of the foreign affairs and national
defense only, that the relationship between Tibet and the Central
Government is defined as that of a so-called "union" and that Tibet
should be made an "international peace zone." But in fact, the Central
Government's powers in foreign affairs and national defense exist in
name only. So, the "middle road" attempts to overthrow the leading
position of the Communist Party of China and to enable his so-called
"exile government" to return home and take over Tibet. This many people
in the world see very clearly. In his book "Dalai Lama and China – the
Solution to the Tibet Issue," Melvyn Goldstein, a U.S. expert on Tibet,
said, "Dharamsala has found they are in an awkward situation. Obviously,
Beijing will never allow Tibet to practice a different political system,
let alone independence." "China's uncompromising attitude makes them
feel angry and frustrated. Besides, at the bottom of their hearts, they
cannot believe that they can live under rule of the Communist Party of
China." "In fact, the communist party's rule is unquestionable."

The barrier between the Dalai Lama and the Central Government cannot be
removed easily if both sides take a step back, as hoped for by some kind
people. The socialist system and ethnic regional autonomous system are
the historic choice made by the Tibetan people. They constitute the
system guarantee for Tibet's development and progress, and have taken
root in land in Tibet and among the people of all ethnic groups residing
there. If the Dalai Lama does not want to change his position, he would
probably have no choice but to waste the rest of his life in Dharamsala.

Editor:Du Xiaodan
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