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"We Tibetans are looking for a legitimate and meaningful autonomy, an arrangement that would enable Tibetans to live within the framework of the People’s Republic of China."

No Heart Beats For Pre-Liberation Tibet

August 5, 2008

Debasish Chakraborty
People's Democracy
Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)
Vol. XXXII, No. 30
August 3, 2008

On Return From Tibet

KINGTO Tashi was only a nine year old boy when Dalai Lama fled from
Lhasa. His parents were serfs to nobles and Tashi had never worn a
full cloth till then. Tashi, a more or less well-off farmer now with
enough land to sustain not only his family but also his dreams,
compared pre-1959 days with the present situation quoting a Tibetan
saying: "It was like a little finger then, now it is like a thumb."
In more popular translation it would be like 'hell and heaven'.

Tashi and all of his fellow neighbours in Gaba, a village in the
outskirts of Lhasa, have land, though differing in quantity. Earlier
they used to cultivate as a commune. After 1984, under Land Contract
system the lands were distributed to them. Income level of most of
the villagers ranges from 20 to 27 thousand yuan per annum, which
according to their own estimates is 'middle level'. The oilseeds,
maize, corns and particularly the glasshouse farming have brought the
village into life. Tashi was forthright in his opinion about Dalai
Lama and the controversies surrounding him. "The central government
had offered him extraordinary opportunities. He made a wrong choice.
He is welcome if he agrees with the central governments' position,
otherwise not", said Tashi.

It was almost the same response from Loshang Champa, one of the
so-called 'Great Living Buddhas". The traditional ritual of Living
Buddhas as "reincarnations" is still prevalent in Tibetan Buddhism
and they are widely revered. Dalai Lamas are themselves regarded as a
reincarnation of "Avolokiteswara" for ages. Theocratic-political rule
of the monasteries ended over fifty years ago, but the deep sense of
religiosity and the corresponding customs are still prevalent in
Tibet. There are 1700 religious sites with 46,000 monks in Tibetan
Autonomous Region. As a section of the monks were involved in the
riots in Lhasa streets on March 14, 2008 by burning shops, torching
schools, even killing brutally, the question of their "loyalty" to
the 14th Dalai Lama has again come into fore.

"Tibetan Buddhism has five major sects. Though Dalai represents the
Gelupa or the yellow sect, all sects were following Dalai before he
had fled. After that, he has ceased to be a religious authority, he
is regarded as a political activist now", says Loshang Champa. With a
smile on his face, he adds "Dalai Lama is welcome only if he supports
the policy of central government. But it seems till now he has no
intention of doing so."

Awang Dongje, the head of historical Drepong monastery, one of the
biggest in Tibet, asserted that only a small number of monks took
part in the riot. "Violence is not only illegal, it goes against the
teachings of Buddism", he said. A leader of the Gelupa sect himself
Awang has no doubt that Dalai Lama had a direct link with the
violence. "Tibet is an integral part of China. Dalai Lama should
respect this historical fact and unity of the country", he
maintained. And yes, there was not even a single word of welcome for
Dalai from this hugely influential religious leader.

Neither was it from the monks of Sera monastery, one of the
most-revered institutions of learning in Tibetan Buddhism. Standing
in front of the grand statues of "Three Buddhas" - past, present and
the future - the seniors among the 550 monks categorically rejected
any role for the 14th Dalai Lama in the affairs of Tibet.
Interestingly, following traditional rituals the monks from Sera
searched and found an intelligent boy Lhamo Toinzhub as the
reincarnation as the 14th and present Dalai Lama. No monk from Sera
has participated in the violence in March.

WEST-SPONSORED CONSPIRATOR

Dalai Lama is seen in the streets of Lhasa more as a West-sponsored
conspirator than an embodiment of the age-old institution of Tibetan
people. Particularly after the renewal of disturbances in March this
year, different sections of the Tibetan society are increasingly
doubtful of his propagation of "peace". The attacks on schools
stunned the people. Still shivering from the horror, Tachi Xoga, the
headmistress of the No.2 Middle School in Lhasa recalled the incident
of attack on March 14: "We heard huge shouts at around 12 pm while
the children were in their classes, and then saw burning torches
being thrown over the wall and onto the roof of the school
building."  The school has 842 students, 80 per cent of whom are
Tibetan. The charred roofs and ceilings, burnt desks, chairs and
books scattered in corridors, stands testimony to the violence. "We
closed the gates and sheltered the frightened children into a safe
area in the school," she said. Another primary school with 1480
students, all of whom are Tibetans, was also attacked with same
ferocity. Yang Sun, the headmistress of the school termed the attack
as "indiscriminate violence to create a sense of terror and chaos".
Some of the attackers raised the slogan of "independence" of Tibet,
she recalled.

DEVELOPMENT IS THE MAIN ISSUE

The issue for most common people is not of "independence" but of
development. For the last 50 years, and more specifically in the last
30 years of reform, Tibet has been transformed from a remote,
backward hinterland to a rapidly progressing modern economy. The
population figure rose from 1.14 million in 1951, the year of
peaceful liberation to 2.84 million in 2007. To be precise, 95 per
cent of the population is Tibetan. This is being mentioned as there
is a concerted propaganda by Dalai Lama and his international friends
that Han migration has deformed the balance in original Tibetan habitation.

Abject poverty, hunger and lack of medical facilities were reflected
by the life expectancy of only 35.5 years in 1951. It has since risen
to 67 years now. Under Dalai Lama and the theocratic-political rule,
90 per cent of the population never learnt to read and write. The
scenario has changed amazingly now, with 98.2 per cent children going
to school. The development of agriculture and animal husbandry and
the onset of modern industries have remarkably contributed to the
economic growth of Tibet. In 2007 the GDP of Tibet crossed 34 billion
yuan, an increase of 14 per cent over 2006. The total retail sales of
consumer goods reached to 11 billion yuans in 2007. The social
expenditure by the State and the social consumption by the people
both increased with wide margins in the recent years. However, with
very difficult natural conditions Tibet is still lagging behind in
many areas. The planning by the central government includes not only
huge expenditure support but also special mobilisation of funds and
technical skills from the developed areas of China. Thus, counties
and prefectures in Tibet are being directly helped by the provinces
like Guangdong, Fujian etc.

Travelling more than 400 kilometers from Lhasa to Lingji (spelt also
as Nyingchi), one can see the effects of the development with one's
own eyes. The villages are bursting with economic activities.
Traditional agriculture is gradually being replaced by modern and
profitable cultivation. Wholesale markets of farm produces have been
set up. Animal husbandry resources are abundant and they are being
gradually industrialised, offering more wealth and jobs for people.
The houses for the farmers, herdsmen, built with State subsidies are
all over the remote areas now. The emphasis on promoting tourism has
helped greatly, with thousands of tourists from other parts of China
now visiting Tibet, known for its exquisite natural beauties. The
building of Qinghai-Tibet railway - a marvel of engineering - has
brought Tibet closer to the world. This railway, popularly known as
'Train to Lhasa' crosses deserts, plateaus and ridges with an average
height of 10,000 feet in Qinghai province and Tibet Autonomous region.

IMPORTANT TASKS NOW

The senior Chinese officials and policy planners are not, however,
complacent. "Tibet is developing faster than ever. It has brought
changes in interests and correlation of forces too. At present, the
very important task is modernisation and the harmonious, scientific,
sustainable development. Though the March 14 incidents were minor in
nature, the central government should be more vigilant about the
development of Tibet," says Dong Yunhu, Director General of the State
Council Information Office and In-charge of the Bureau on Tibet and
Human Rights in Beijing.

An expert on the Marxist studies, Dong points to the changes in the
role of religious leaders in Tibetan society. "Before the democratic
reforms, they had the ruling role in older system. They owned more
than one-third of the productive forces. They had cultural, political
and judicial dominance also. After the democratic reforms, they lost
many of the privileges. Serfs and peasants were liberated. That
caused some kind of discontent among monks, particularly among Living
Buddhas. Chairman Mao had once remarked jocularly that the monks
produce neither goods nor descendants, they only consume," says Dong.
He adds, "Chairman Mao urged Dalai Lama to lead the democratic
reforms which he could not do. Modernisation is not only needed for
China, it is needed for Tibet too. Few monks may be still nostalgic
for the old days. They are far, far away  from modernisation."

About the role of Dalai Lama, the Chinese government has a sharp,
clear-cut stand. "Dalai does not want the stability and development
of Tibet. He has pre-meditated the violence in Lhasa. For the last 50
years, Dalai has maintained relations with the Western forces,
particularly the anti-China forces. In fact, they are the sources of
his strength and he is being used as an instrument of hostile
forces", says Dong.

"However Dalai is spreading misinformation through the media and in
the period of opening up, he is out to damage the image of China. We
have to counter that propaganda. We have to show to the whole world
the truth in Tibet, the reality in Tibet," says Dong. The terms of
negotiations with Dalai Lama and his representatives are also clear.
"There is no point in discussing with him about the future of Tibet.
Up to 1959, he was the minister in chief in Tibet. He is no one in
Tibet now. Tibetan Autonomous Region government and the Chinese
government are the only representatives of Tibet. We are ready to
discuss with him only the future of the 14th Dalai Lama and not of
the future of Tibet", asserts Dong.

Back in Lhasa, the architectural marvel Potala Palace, once the
residence of Dalai Lamas, looms large over the whole city. This
treasure house of relics and statues is a world heritage site now and
is thronged by hundreds of tourists every day. It does not wait for Dalai Lama.

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