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TIBETAN BULLETIN November-December 1994 (2)
3. COVER STORY
Eyewitnesses to history
In September 1994 a historic meeting took place in London. Seven
individuals from different parts of the world gathered there to
meet His Holiness the Dalai Lama, who was on a visit to the United
Kingdom, and to talk about one common issue: their recollection of
the days spent in independent Tibet. These individuals had spent
some time in Tibet in different parts of this century. They were:
Mrs. Joan Mary Jehu ( who visited Tibet in September 1932
accompanying her father, Colonel Weir, the Political Officer in
Sikkim, on an official mission to Tibet.); Mr. Robert Ford ( who
was radio officer with the British Mission in Lhasa in 1945 and
radio officer to the Tibetan Government from 1948 to 1950.); Mr
Heinrich Harrer (who spent seven years in Tibet from 1943 to
1950); Mr Archibald Jack (who visited the British Army garrison at
Gyantse in 1938); Dr Bruno Beger ( anthropologist, ethnologist,
geographer and physician of the 1939 German Schaefer expedition to
Tibet.); Prof. Fosco Maraini (who visited Tibet in 1937 and 1948
with Prof. Giuseppe Tucci of Rome University.); and Kazi Sonam
Topgyal ( official interpreter and translator to the Indian
Mission in Lhasa from 1949 for the next seven years. Visited
Tibet again in 1957-58 as a member of an Indian delegation to
explore the possible visit of Indian Prime Minister Nehru.). Mr.
Hugh Richardson, the head of the British mission in Lhasa, could
not attend on account of indisposition, but he nevertheless issued
a statement. After their meeting on September 13, 1994, they came
out with the following joint press statement. " On the occasion of
His Holiness the Dalai Lama's visit to London in September 1994,
His Holiness invited for lunch a group of us who had the privilege
to live, visit and work in Tibet prior to the Chinese invasion of
the country in 1950, to exchange our experiences and reminiscences
of that time. As some of the few remaining foreigners who
witnessed independent Tibet, we are unanimous in our conviction
that Tibet was a fully sovereign country. The independence of
Tibet was evident by our observation of the following facts:
1.The Government of Tibet had absolute control over its internal
and external affairs;
2.There was no Chinese involvement in any form in the affairs of
Tibet:
3.His Holiness the Dalai lama was the supreme temporal and
spiritual leader of the country to whom the Tibet people showed
unswerving loyalty;
4.Tibet issued its own currency and stamps;
5.Tibet was economically self-sufficient;
6.Tibet raised and maintained its own small army;
7.Tibet had its own distinct language, writing, culture and
traditions.
8.Tibet remained neutral during the Second World War; We are
deeply concerned by the continuing occupation of Tibet by the
Chinese which has resulted in:
1. The continuing gross violation of human rights;
2. The death of one sixth of the population of Tibet (1.2
million); 3. A massive transfer of Chinese population into Tibet
with the consequence that Tibetans are now a minority in their own
land; 4. Environmental degradation including massive
deforestation;
5. Continuing attacks on Tibet's cultural and religious
heritage, including the denial of religious freedom; 6. A birth
control policy which includes forced sterilisation and abortions;
7. The militarisation and deployment of nuclear weapons in Tibet
threatening the security and peace in Asia We call upon the
international community to recognise the continuing injustice and
suffering of the Tibetan people and to urge their governments to
take appropriate actions to save Tibet's unique cultural heritage
before it is too late and to restore Tibet's former independence.
My direct experience Hugh Richardson
I was in Tibet for nine years between 1936 and 1950 representing
the British Government until August 15, 1947 and thereafter the
Government of independent India. The situation I saw stemmed from
1912 when the Tibetans expelled all Chinese and the Dalai Lama
declared Tibet independent. In an attempt to stabilise relations a
tripartite conference was convened at Simla at which Great
Britain, China and Tibet were each represented by a
plenipotentiary whose full powers were accepted by the other
parties. In the powers granted to Sir. Henry McMahon it was
asserted that a state of war existed between the Chinese
Government and the Government of the Dalai Lama. The Chinese
withdrew from the drafted tripartite agreement but the British
Government signed the Convention directly with the Tibetans,
expressly denying the Chinese any privileges they would have had
if they had signed it. Those privileges included the recognition
by the Tibetans of the suzerainty of China which they had been
ready, although reluctantly, to accept if the Chinese agreed to
their part of the bargain. Since 1912 no Chinese were in Tibet
except for a few traders and some Muslim butchers at Lhasa. There
were no Chinese troops and no officials until 1935 when a small
party managed to get in. They were regarded by the Tibetans as an
unofficial liaison office; and in 1949 they were expelled by the
Tibetan Government. The Government at Lhasa with which I dealt was
beyond question in complete control of its own affairs, dealing
directly with the Government of India in such matters as frontier
disputes, trade questions, supply of arms and ammunition and so
on. There was no Chinese participation whatever in such matters
and no reference to them, nor were they informed. In all
practical matters the Tibetans were independent. In face of
threats they consistently refused permission for the Chinese to
send troops into Tibet, accompany the Panchen Lama and, also in
face of threats, they maintained their neutrality during the war
by refusing to allow the transit of military supplies to China
across Tibet. In 1943 Sir Anthony Eden made the British position
clear in a note to T.V. Soong, the Chinese Foreign Minister. He
stated that the British Government had always been prepared to
recognise Chinese suzerainty over Tibet but only on the
understanding that Tibet be regard as autonomous. He said that
since 1911 Tibet had enjoyed de facto independence (L/PS 12/4 of
August 5, 1943.) That was reaffirmed in Parliament on November 6,
1950 by the Parliamentary Under Secretary at the Foreign Office,
Mr. Ernest Davies, who also recalled the assurance given by H.M.G.
(through myself) to the Tibetan Government, of a more friendly
interest in the welfare and autonomy of Tibet. H.M.G. therefore
regarded Tibet as enjoying de facto independence when it was
invaded by the Chinese in October 1950; and when the Tibetan
Government appealed to the UN in protest against the Chinese
aggression the Foreign Office decided that Tibet fulfilled the
requirements of statehood under the UN Charter; but when Sir
Gladwyn Jebb was unwilling to take up a different position from
that of the India Government he persuaded the British Government
to withhold support from the Tibetan appeal on the grounds that
the legal position was unclear. And so the British Government, the
only government among western countries to have had treaty
relations with Tibet, sold the Tibetans down the river and since
then have constantly cold-shouldered the Tibetans so that in 1959
they would not even support a resolution in the UN condemning the
violation of human rights in Tibet by the Chinese Australian, New
Zealand and Canada all voted for the resolution which was carried
by 45 votes to 9 with 26 abstentions, including that of the U.K. I
was profoundly ashamed of the government and continued to be
ashamed at their unwillingness to recognise that Tibet has a right
to self-determination, and their treatment of the Dalai Lama.
Tibet in 1937 and 1948 Fosco Maraini
As is well-known, in 1904 the British organised a military
expedition to establish communications with Lhasa and with Tibet.
I visited Tibet in the summer of 1937, with Professor Guiseppe
Tucci of Rome University, travelling from Gangtok (in Sikkim) to
Gyantse - all on foot. Were there still some signs of the "British
occupation of Tibet"? Very few indeed. The line of post houses
from Karponang to Yatung, and from Phari to Tuna, to Dochen, and
so on, up to Gyantse, may be mentioned - but they were used not
only by officials, but by Tibetan notables and foreigners of many
nationalities. Here and there one also noticed the meagre poles
and the single line of the telegraph system installed by the
British between Lhasa and Gangtok and India. The British, however,
never built a road from India (either from Gangtok or Kalimpong,
crossing either the Nathu-la or the Jelep-la) to Gyantse and to
Lhasa. The British seem to have been interested only in keeping
out of Tibet any potential major power, meaning by this Russia or
China. A political Officer was stationed in Lhasa, and a very
small force was stationed in Gyantse, but the Tibetans were left
entirely free to arrange their own internal affairs as it please
them. A foreigner visiting Tibet noticed at once that the people
used their own currency in practically all normal dealings, and
that they also had their own stamps for internal postal use. When
in Tibet I noticed no sign of Chinese presence, and of course no
signs of Russian influence. In this sense, the British had
obtained exactly what they wanted, the creation of safe neutral
cushion between their dominions in India and the two great powers
of the Northern Asian mainland. I visited Tibet again in 1948,
also with Prof. Guiseppe Tucci, but the situation had scarcely
changed. Unfortunately, the Tibetans had no idea that China would
become a frightening threat, only a few months in the future. I
saw some military units near to Yatung, but I must say that they
looked painfully inadequate for any form of modern warfare. The
British have been accused by the Chinese of "imperialism" in
Tibet, and they called their own aggression of Tibet a "war of
liberation" a most absurd mental somersault. The British were only
interested, as we have seen, in keeping other great powers out of
the Tibetan area. After the initial brutal shock of the
Younghusband expedition in 1904, a very friendly relationship
developed between British India and Tibet, and also personally
between the English, the Indians and the Tibetans. I personally
think it was a great pity that the British were not a little more
"imperialistic" in their dealings with Tibet! In reality, their
political behaviour was shortsighted and egoistical. For example,
if a road had been built between Gangtok (or Kalimpong) and Lhasa,
and a few buses had been running up and down the line for the
benefit of a limited number of traders, Tibet would not have
remained so desperately isolated from the rest of the world.
Tibetans would have learnt to be more international, to drive
vehicles, to use foreign currencies, to deposit their money in
banks and to use cheques, to read newspapers, to own passports -
and so on. In other words, they have gradually become used to the
twentieth century, and they would have been able, if not to resist
militarily the Chinese, at least to state their case much more
boldly and efficiently in front of the nations of the world, thus
making the Chinese aggression more difficult, and at least
obtaining greater advantages for themselves. The Bhutanese were
lucky to have a king whose eyes were open to the ways of the
world, and who managed to present his case to the United Nations
at the right time and in the right way, thus saving his country
from foreign domination. Something similar could have happened in
regard to Tibet, if the Tibetans, encouraged by the British, had
not been slumbering in a world of dreams, living, as it were, in
an historical void.
Seven years in Tibet Heinrich Harrer
After reaching the "Roof of the World" I had fulfilled the dream
of my youth. As a penniless fugitive, I soon experienced the
hospitality of the Tibetans. I learned that I was living with a
happy people in a happy free country. As a matter of fact, Tibet
was so independent that only the Tibetan Government in Lhasa had
the authority to issue a permit for crossing the border. While I
was there, the happiest seven years of my life, I had the
privilege to work with farmers in the south and also to stay with
the nomads in the north. During all these travels I never met a
single Chinese - no soldier, no office, not even a Chinese trader.
Only in Lhasa, where I lived with Tibetan Officials and nobility,
only in the capital stayed a handful of Chinese civilians. These
officials I met at receptions or great ceremonies, were present.
There were no privileges or preferences. It was as it is customary
in free and independent countries all over the world. The
invitations of the Tibetan Government to the representatives of
other nations were generous, the atmosphere was amicable and
extremely polite. As the civil war in China went on, the Tibetan
Government asked the few Chinese to leave Lhasa. It was done very
politely, and all the Chinese had white silk good luck scarves
around their necks when riding through the big western gate stupa
on their way to India. I took a few pictures of the little
caravan, but otherwise the population of Lhasa took hardly any
notice. During those days the Tibetan Government made several
efforts to inform the world of thee Chinese threat. There was
certainly no imperialistic influence, as the Chinese broadcast
said, and it was ridiculous to speak of freeing Tibet. Freeing of
what, of whom? The British gave India independence, retired as
colonial power and then the Chinese began neo-colonialism. The cry
for help came late and had little effect, simply because Tibet had
no newspaper, no radio, no means or communication with the outside
world. It is amazing how little the West knew about the country
and its people - a monk state, surrounded by the highest mountains
of the world. Only recently the world learned that there was a
thousand-year-old independent high culture. The artistic skill of
handicraft, metalwork, woodcarving, pottery and painting
astonished the visitors of exhibitions. All this fine meticulous
work had been possible because Tibetans had no stress, did not
have all those materialistic ambitions and found plenty of time
for family, meditation and leisure. I am grateful to His Holiness
for arranging this meeting. I am very happy to see some of those
who shared the unforgettable wonderful time we spent together half
a century ago in free Tibet. Undoubtedly they all will give
testimony that we led a happy life in a happy, free and totally
independent country. The suffering in the occupied country
continues. The Tibetans need the unconditional and absolute
solidarity of the free world.
Some personal observations Robert Ford
"Since 1911 Lhasa has to all practical purposes enjoyed full
independence. It has its own currency and customs: it runs its own
telegraph and postal service: it maintains a civil service
different from that of any part of China: and it even keeps its
own army. In policy Lhasa often acts even more independently."
(T.L. Shen, Head of Chinese Mission in Lhasa from 1944 to 47)
I visited Tibet in 1945 as a Radio Officer with the British
Mission in Lhasa and subsequently until 1947 with the Political
Officer in Sikkim. The Political Officer in Sikkim was responsible
for the conduct of all aspects of British India's relations with
Tibet, Sikkim and Bhutan, the Mission with their day-to-day
implementation as regards Tibet through the Tibetan Bureau of
Foreign Affairs. >From 1948 to 1950, I was Radio Officer to the
Tibetan Government, charged with installing. Tibet's first
broadcasting station and developing an internal radio
communications system. I became the first foreigner ever to be
employed by the Tibetan Government and was given an official rank
in the Tibetan hierarchy. I had a unique opportunity to live and
travel widely in Tibet, particularly in Northern and Eastern Tibet
until I was captured and imprisonment by the invading Chinese
Communists in 1950. During my five years in Tibet, I had the
opportunity to witness and experience at first hand the reality of
Tibetan independence. In 1946, I accompanied an official Tibetan
Goodwill Mission to Delhi. The Mission was sent to India and China
to congratulate the allies on their victory. It was received by
the Viceroy of India, Lord Wavell, attended the Delhi Victory
Parade. Its reception in China was predictably different. It was
received by the "Commission on Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs" and
tricked into attending the National Assembly as "delegates". Tibet
was also represented at the "Asian Relations Conference" in India
in 1947, organised by the Congress Party of India. The Tibetans
attended as a separate delegation under their own flag, much to
the annoyance of the Chinese. Later that year, a Tibetan Trade
Delegation visited India, Britain, the United States and China.
The delegates carried Tibetan passports which were accepted by all
the countries they visited with the exception of China. The
delegation had limited success on the commerce front but
politically it had set another precedent supporting Tibet's
independence. 1949 also saw the transfer of power in India with
the departure of the British. India formally assumed all the
British obligations and rights under the existing treaties with
Tibet, including "special rights" and "most favoured nation"
status. Relations between Tibet and India continued on the same
footing as before. Newly independent India had simply inherited
from the British the need to secure her northern frontier and, in
doing so, willingly accepted the existing treaty relationship with
Tibet. Further evidence of Tibet's independence was forthcoming
with the expulsion in 1949 via India of the Chinese mission in
Lhasa and a single Chinese official in Chamdo along with a number
of Chinese traders. The Tibetans feared that, with the collapse of
the Nationalist government in China, allegiance might be switched
to the Communists. It is interesting to note that Chinese
officials travelling between Tibet and China invariably did so via
India, to avoid the long arduous and sometimes dangerous overland
route through eastern Tibet. It was accepted practice that when
transit through India to Tibet was requested by China for its
officials, the Delhi Government always sought Lhasa's approval for
entry to Tibet. Religion came to dominate every aspect of Tibetan
life with the introduction of Buddhism in the seventh century and
Tibet's former militarist and aggressive traditions withered and
died. The Buddhist church assumed domination in secular as well as
religious matters with the Dalai Lama, as supreme temporal and
spiritual ruler. Tibet preferred to live in its own self-imposed
isolation, having the minimum of relations only with its immediate
neighbours: India, China and Nepal. She never sought international
recognition nor wanted to open diplomatic relations with other
countries. Tibet controlled her own affairs internally and
externally, remained so until the Chinese Communist invasion of
1950. Travelling into Tibet from India along the recognised trade
route there was no frontier post, no officials, no police, no
customs or immigration control. The Tibetans kept out unwanted
visitors. The government simply made it a serious offence for any
of their subjects to provide food, shelter or transport to any
foreigner who could not produce a "Lamyik" or travel pass issued
by the Lhasa authorities. This system was in force throughout
Tibet. The next notable features on the India-Lhasa trade route
were the British (later Indian after 1947) trade agencies at
Yatung and Gyangtse. They had been established under the
Anglo-Tibet Trade Treaty of 1908 when Britain acquired these
extra-territorial privileges, which also included the right to
maintain small military garrisons at the agencies. These were
still in operation during my time in Tibet, as waspPost and
telegraphy service and staging bungalows between the frontier and
Gyangtse installed and operated by British India. Here was
practical proof that Tibet enjoyed the right to conclude treaties
with foreign powers. All departments of central and local
government were wholly Tibetan and under the supreme authority of
the Dalai Lama (or in his minority a Regent). Responsible to the
Dalai Lama were the two prime ministers, one lay and the other
monk. The principal executive body of the Tibetan government was
the Kashag or Council, usually composed of three lay senior nobles
and one senior monk. Below the Council, and responsible to it,
were the various administrative departments, often headed by one
lay and one monk official, such as political, finance, army,
foreign affairs etc. Parallel with this was the administration of
monastic affairs. The Lord Chamberlain was the highest religious
official below the Dalai Lama and responsible to him was the
monastic council. Of importance too was the National Assembly
which represented all classes of Tibetan society, particularly
that of the numerous monk population, through the abbots of the
great monasteries. The National Assembly met only when summoned by
the Council to present its views on specific matters of importance
or at times of crisis. There thus was an elaborate, entirely
Tibetan, system of government with checks and balances between the
monk and lay elements. Local government was effected through about
100 districts, each administered by two officials, one lay and one
monk. They had wide powers locally, being guided by tradition
rather than instructions from the centre, and were appointed for
fixed periods. Exceptionally, Eastern Tibet was administered by a
governor general, often a member of the Lhasa Council, with his
own officials, as was Western Tibet under a governor. I had
personal experience of this system of central and local government
both in the capital Lhasa where I was attached to the Foreign
Affairs Bureau and in Chamdo in Eastern Tibet under the governor
general. It was, however, an effective government and generally
accepted by the population at large. It is interesting to note
that in all its history there is no record of widespread agrarian
discontent, let alone of popular uprising against the government.
That only occurred with the arrival of the Chinese Communist
regime. There was much inequality but little envy. Poverty was
widespread but there was never any starvation. The Tibetan army
numbered about 12,000 but by modern standards was only lightly
equipped with mainly British-made rifles, machine guns, mortars
and a few mountain guns. A large part of the army was stationed in
the east where the main threat, from China, was perceived. Tibet
issued its own currency. All notes and coins bore the government
seal of the lion and the year of issue. Tibet as a whole lived in
economic balance with its trading neighbours, was stable. My own
salary was calculated an paid in local currency. There was other
evidence of Tibet's independence. During World War II, Tibet
remained neutral and even rejected Chinese proposals to build a
military supply route through Tibet from India to supplement the
Burma Road, despite British support for the scheme. As a
compromise, non-military supplies were allowed to transit Tibet
but any plans to construct new supply routes were firmly resisted.
At one stage, the United States sent a two-man mission to examine
possible trans-Tibet route. Permission for the mission to enter
Tibet had to be sought from the Tibetan Government - a sharp
reminder of the practical relationship between Tibet and China.
With its increasing contacts with the outside world, Tibet set up
a Bureau of Foreign Affairs in 1942. The British mission worked
with this sensible and practical arrangement but the Chinese
mission, for obvious reasons, refused to do so, thus isolating
itself from meaningful contact with the Tibetan authorities.
The Status of Tibet in 1938-39 Dr. Bruno Beger
After having travelled twice for research purposes via China to
Eastern Tibet with the Brook-Doan Expedition in 1931/32 and from
1934 to 1936, Dr. Ernst Shaefer planned a German expedition to
Tibet of his own in 1937. He was particularly interested in a
highly integrated expedition, covering such aspects as the soil,
the plants, the animal and the human beings. For this purpose he
was in search of suitable expedition members. Having studied
anthropology, geography and ethnography in Jena and Heidelberg, I
went to Berlin for the completion of my studies. There I got in
contact with Dr. Schaefer at the beginning of the autumn semester
in 1937. So did the geo-physician, Dr. Karl Lienert, the
photographer and entomologist, Ernst Krause, as well as one
technical expert, Edmund Geer. We had already known Schaefer from
newspaper reports and his own publications. Tibet and its culture,
which I had read about quite a lot, enthusiastically agreed to
join the expedition. Schaefer described to us Tibet as a
completely sovereign state that was anxious to preserve its
independence to protect its old culture from foreign influences
and ambitious cravings. Tibet was regarded as the "Forbidden
Land". It would certainly be difficult to enter it by crossing one
of its neighbouring countries, but experience had shown him that
it would be possible to achieve this goal. The Schaefer Tibet
Expedition of 1938/39 finally chose the route via India and
Sikkim, despite all the warnings and difficulties from the British
side. A non-permitted frontier crossing in October 1938, leading
in from North Sikkim to the King of Taring, who at the time
resided at Doptra-Dzong, brought about our first contact with the
Tibetan Government. After causing some trouble, British India had
given its permission to the expedition to address a request for
entry to the Government in Lhasa. They were very keen on keeping
up their limited influence in South Tibet, for they feared the
ambitions of China and the Soviet Union. Our expedition considered
this an unfounded suspicion. But when we had received the
invitation from the independent state of Tibet, we were authorised
to travel to Lhasa. The Schaefer-Expedition explored Southern
Tibet from October 1938 to July 1939, thanks to an attestation
from the Tibetan Government which proved to be very useful and
important: the arrival of our expedition had been announced
beforehand in advance, and for this reason we were welcomed and
well-received everywhere and provided with the necessary things on
our way through the Chumbi Valley, then from Gyantse to Lhasa and
from there via Samye across the Yarlung Valley to Shigatse and
back again to Gangtok via Gyantse. In Lhasa itself we were
received in a very friendly way and got into close contact with
government officials and other influential people of the country.
>From numerous talks, the members of the expedition could gather,
again and again, how eager the Tibetans were to keep up their
rightful state of independence which had been reinforced again by
the Treaty of 1912. The minimum foreign influence granted by
contact to British India was tolerated reluctantly as a certain
counter-measure to keep a check on the ambitious desires and
unjustified interests of the Chinese (and to a certain extent of
the Russians as well). Nevertheless, the Tibetans could not
forgive and forget the provocative attack, as well as the
bloodshed, caused by the British-Indian Expedition Corps in 1904.
They often talked about that. The political development in China
was a cause for worry and the Chinese representatives in Lhasa
were observed with mixed feelings. For a better protection of the
country and to maintain their sovereignty, the Government set up a
modern army of 10,000 men, whose training could be admired by us
in Shigatse. Everything was obviously done with diplomatic skill
to preserve their independence. Even our having been invited was
probably due to the Tibetans' aim to establish a first contact
with the rising "German Reich", which might contribute to the
support of their status of independence. I had among the many
contacts in Lhasa a special friendship with the family of H.H. the
14th Dalai Lama, with the Phala family and with the monastery
official Moendroe, who was in charge of the city's police
department. From them I heard about all the worries in the
country, even of their economic problems. For instance, every
year, when the long caravans were on their way to India
transporting wool, their main export article, Indian buyers would
manipulate the Tibetan currency to the disadvantage of the
Tibetans. I experienced in Tibet the great pleasure of getting to
know very closely the last old culture on this earth and I felt
the great wish that it might remain untouched even while having to
assimilate external influences, especially in the field of
technology. I found the leading personalities sensitive to reforms
and modernisation, which would have taken place in a harmonious
way, instead of being forced upon with cruel bloodshed as it was
done by the Red Chinese. I still have the great hope that the
freedom movement all over the world will also change the attitude
of the Chinese towards the Tibetans and that Tibet will again
experience the status of independence.
A brief account of experience Sonam T. Kazi
I was born in Sikkim in 1925 and am the fifth son of Relon Sonam
Dadul Renock Kazi, a landlord and an official of the Government of
Sikkim. My father's estate touched the boundaries of three other
countries - Tibet, Bhutan, and India. Since the main Indo-Tibetan
trade route ran through this estate, my ancestors have always been
eyewitnesses to the principal political events concerning Tibet,
such as the British invasion of Tibet in 1904; the Chinese
invasion of Tibet that forced His Holiness the Thirteenth Dalai
Lama to escape to India; the internal trouble in China that caused
the Chinese Amban and his entourage to vacate Tibet; and H.H. the
Thirteenth Dalai Lama's return to Tibet from India in 1912, upon
which he declared the total independence of Tibet. Throughout my
childhood, my father used to relate these events about Tibet to
me. He had been to Tibet twice and had met H.H. the Thirteenth
Dalai Lama in connection with Sikkimese properties there. The
stories I heard from him, together with my strong interest in the
Buddhist religion, increased my interest to go to Tibet. This
opportunity came in 1949, when the Indian mission in Lhasa was
looking for a candidate to fill the vacant post of an English-and
Tibetan-knowing assistant. I was accepted for this post and left
Gangtok, Sikkim, on January 5, 1949, and arrived in Lhasa on
January 21. I was happy to arrive when Tibet was celebrating the
New Year, a month-long celebration that reveals the ancient life
and culture of Tibet. I held the post there for seven years - from
January 1949 to October 1955. Mr. Hugh Richardson was then the
Officer-in-Charge of the mission. After my seven -year stay, I
returned to Sikkim. My first impression of Tibet was: "Could
there be any other place on this earth where peace and happiness
really prevail?" The peace and happiness I saw in Tibet at this
time must surely have been the result of the freedom that
independent Tibet enjoyed since 1912, under the leadership of H.H.
the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, and which continued even after his
demise, up until the Communist invasion in 1950. As described by
His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama in Appendix II of his
autobiography My Land and My People: Whatever the position of
Tibet may have been prior to 1911-12, in any event, from the day
that the Thirteenth Dalai Lama proclaimed the independence of
Tibet, after the invading Chinese armies had been driven out of
Tibet, Tibet was not only independent de facto but de jure. At the
time I arrived in Tibet, H.H. the Dalai Lama's Fourteenth
Reincarnation had already been found and enthroned, but had not
yet assumed the administrative power, and Tibet was still being
run by a regent. I saw Tibet enjoying all the attributes of a free
and independent country at that time:
1. Tibet had her own language, art, culture, and religion.
Although Tibetans themselves were Buddhists, there was freedom of
worship in connection with other religions. Tibet also had
thelargest number of Buddhist scriptures of both Mahayana a and
Tantrayana in the world.
2. In regard to foreign relations, Tibet had representatives
from the British Government and subsequently the Indian
Government, and from Bhutan and Nepal.
3. I saw Tibetan using their own paper currency as well as
copper and silver currencies, minted by themselves; I heard that,
in the past, gold currency had also been circulated.
4. Tibet had her own postal system with a network of post
offices and franking seals. Letters could also be registered.
Tibet printed her own postal stamps of different sizes, colours,
and denominations, issued at different time. These stamps had a
figure of a lion, the national emblem, in the centre. Each stamp
had letters in Tibetan stating "Tibetan Government" and in English
stating "Tibet." Tibetan stamps were very well known to
sophisticated philatelists the world over.
5. Tibet had her own communications system. Telegrams could be
sent to Gyantse, Yatung, and India from the Tibetan Telegraph
Office. Wireless stations existed between Lhasa and Chamdo and
other places along the eastern border. Stamps of higher
denominations were especially issued for sending messages. And I
heard Radio Tibet Broadcasting news in English from Lhasa for a
short time in 1950 before the Communists came.
6. Tibet had a police department to maintain law and order, and
magistrates in important cities, with a system of courts to
provide justice. Although small in number, Tibet also had her own
soldiers. They were used for ceremonial functions and to guard the
frontier.
7. She had her own departments for dealing with foreign affairs,
internal affairs and so on. She issued her own passports to
governmental officials who were visiting foreign countries, and
controlled the entry of foreign persons into the country.
8. Tibet also had her own Ayurvedic system of medicine.
9. I had the rare opportunity to travel with Mr. Richardson to
the important historical places of Yarlung Valley and assist him
in studying the ancient stone edicts in Tibet. The records
inscribed in stone prove that not only did Tibet enjoy
independence in the twentieth century, but in the beginning of the
seventh century, during the time of Songtsen Gampo and some of his
successors, Tibet was a powerful sovereign state. For information
on these stone edicts, one should consult Mr. Hugh Richardson's
series of works, Ancient Historical Edicts at Lhasa, etc.,
published by The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and
Ireland in 1952. Detailed, authentic information about the periods
in Tibetan history thereafter when Tibet lost and gained various
degrees of her independence can be obtained from any books on
Tibetan history. This golden period of peace in twentieth-century
Tibet began to come to an end, however, in 1950 when the Communist
Chinese began to march towards Tibet. I saw the departure of
Sawang Ngapo for Chamdo, along with newly recruited Tibetan
soldiers. Very soon, the Chinese attacked Chamdo, arrested Sawang
Ngapo and the wireless officer Bob Ford, and took them to China. I
saw how H.H. the Dalai Lama left his palace at ten o'clock at
night for Yatung, near the Indian border. Meanwhile, we heard in
Lhasa how Sawang Ngapo had to sign a seventeen-point agreement in
Peking. General Chang Chin-wu came via India to talk to the Dalai
Lama at Yatung. I saw him coming to Tibet and the Dalai Lama
returning to Lhasa. After that, two or three more generals came,
along with many Chinese soldiers, and gradually China began to
take away Tibet's freedom. I saw the Chinese Liberation Army led
by General Wang Ching-me enter Lhasa and then saw the departure of
the Dalai Lama to Peking to meet Mao Tse-tung and then His
Holiness' return to Tibet thereafter. Before I left Lhasa in
October 1955, I and my family had an audience with H.H. the Dalai
Lama. I thought that this might be the last opportunity for us to
see this wonderful land ruled by the Buddha Incarnate.
Fortunately, I had the luck not only to see His Holiness again but
to serve him as his chief interpreter when he was invited to India
for a four-month tour in 1956, during India's celebration of the
2500th anniversary of the birth of Lord Buddha. It was at this
time that Chinese Premier Chou En-lai came to India. I remember
the official lunch I attended as translator, with H.H. the Dalai,
H.H. the Panchen Lama, and Premier Chou En-lai, given by Indian
Prime Minister Nehru in Delhi. When His Holiness returned to
Lhasa, I saw him off at Nathula (Pass) , where the Communist
Chinese came to receive him. In the autumn of 1957, I went with
the Political Officer, Mr. Pant, to visit Lhasa. I felt that His
Holiness was under great pressure. I saw no hope that he would
ever enjoy any peace in Tibet. This turned out to be my last visit
to Tibet. In March of 1959, I heard that fighting had started in
Lhasa and that H.H. the Dalai Lama had escaped, but no one knew of
his whereabouts. The outside world showed great concern for his
safety. Suddenly we heard that he had crossed over into India. The
Government of India sent Mr. Menon and me to receive His Holiness
at Bomdila, near the Indo-Tibetan border. From there we went to
Tezpur, Mussoorie, and finally, to Dharamsala. I was attached to
H.H. the Fourteenth Dalai Lama as his chief interpreter for 13
years in Dharamsala, until 1972. It was very sad to witness the
Tibetans who were utterly disturbed psychologically, physically,
and financially, being displaced from their native land. These are
the unique people of the world whose sole intention is to practice
non violence and compassion and to make all living beings in this
world live peacefully and attain eternal happiness. All
peace-loving people in this world continue to hope for a peaceful
settlement between these two, once friendly countries os that
happiness and comfort will reign again in the Snow Land of
Buddhism.
Travel to Tibet in 1938 Archibald Jack
I would like first to make the point that I visited Tibet during
1938 for just two months and Lhasa for only eight days: thus my
contribution to this meting is of little consequence, compared
with those of others present, who are acknowledged experts on the
subject. Throughout our visit my companion, Captain Kenneth
Shepheard, and I encountered a people, who in every respect were
most kind, cheerful and helpful; they obviously enjoyed a happy
life, as is normally the case with mountain people world-wide. We
were given a warm welcome each night at our primitive lodgings and
the headman in each hamlet provided us effectively with all the
pack animals, ponies and yaks, that were required for the
following day. We provided simple medication for the peasants, on
request, and this was always received with gratitude. In the
village of Samada, the headman invited us to participate in a
memorable evening of splendid music and country dancing. On our
arrival in Gyantse, we visited the British fort, which had a small
garrison of Indian troops, and called on the then British trade
agent, Mr. Hugh Richardson. I arrived in Lhasa on September 13,
1938 and stayed at the British Mission - Dekyi Lingka (Happy
Garden) in Lhasa. While in Lhasa we were given a wonderful
reception. We were invited to visit the Regent, the Prime
Minister, four Shapes (past or, present, members of the Kashag,
the Cabinet) and other citizens of note, who entertained us
liberally. We also met with the Nepalese representative who had a
small escort of Gurkha soldiers. Before the First World War, a
strong personal accord developed between the 13th Dalai Lama and
the British resident in Sikkim, Sir Charles Bell. Bell was most
anxious that Tibet should become more knowledgeable about the
outside world and, as a first step, he persuaded the Dalai Lama to
select four young Tibetan boys and arranged for them to be
educated in a school in Britain. Rubgy was the school finally
selected and there the boys passed several happy years. Of these
four, one had, sadly, died shortly after his return from Britain.
The other three, Ringang, Mingdro and Kyipu, were in excellent
health and we met them in Lhasa. This gave me great pleasure, for
I also have been to Rubgy school though a few years later, and we
were able to discuss, with much laughter, the curious habits of
some of those scholarly masters, to whom we had been entrusted. Of
these three, Mindong was an immensely tall monk with a splendid
sense of humour; he was the monk magistrate for Shol, that sector
of Lhasa which lies directly below the Potala. Kyipu was city
magistrate in Lhasa. Ringang, the youngest, had spent some 13
years in Britain and after school had gone on to London University
and then to Birmingham University to study engineering. He became
a magistrate in an outlying part of Tibet, then he installed a
hydro electric plant in Lhasa, he was interpreter to the cabinet
and, on ceremonial occasions, had the honour of commanding some
600 feudal cavalry. We were told the story of the Lopchak: this a
caravan which bring every two years from Leh to Lhasa, a tribute
according to very ancient treaty. The caravan may take three
months to make the journey, arriving in Lhasa always in October.
By that time, the passes on this trail are snowbound, so the
caravan is obliged to pass the winter in Lhasa and return to Leh
the following year. Though there was a Chinese government
representative in Lhasa, we did not have the opportunity to meet
him. They were told that there were only four Chinese in Lhasa at
that time. During my brief stay in Lhasa, I learned that the Dalai
Lama ruled Tibet with the aid of a Prime Minister and a Cabinet
composed of four members, one of whom was a monk and were known as
Shapes. They were appointed by the Dalai Lama. The second and
third rank officials were known as Dzasas and Tejis and the fourth
as Depons, the fifth rank were composed of magistrates and medium
Dzongpens, the sixth of lesser Dzongpens, the seventh of Tax
Collectors and other minor officials and the eight of nongazetted
officials. Throughout our two months in Tibet we were greeted
everywhere with smiles and laughter; the Tibetans appeared to be
really happy, infectiously so, and there is little doubt that they
found in their religion much encouragement and stability. Against
this former scenario it is quite appalling to picture the scene,
as it is today. From the military point of view, it is estimated
that some 300,000 Chinese troops are stationed in Tibet. What is
really disturbing is that China has installed in Tibet at least
five nuclear bases containing 8 intercontinental missiles and 70
medium missiles: in addition there are 14 large military airports
plus some smaller ones, and 17 radar stations. This situation
causes much concern to Tibet's neighbours, not surprisingly.
Probably the most important problem to be resolved is the
population change that has been imposed: it is estimated that the
population in Tibet today is composed of some six million Tibetans
and 7.5 million Chinese. These Chinese are considerably better off
in Tibet than they ever were in China and, thus,have no wish to
return to their homeland. Though on a very much larger scale, this
problem is similar to that existing in the Baltic states, where
large Russian communities have no wish to return to their homeland
either. Some one million Tibetans have died since the Chinese
invasion of 1950, some from starvation, some just slaughtered. The
peasants have been deprived of their farmland, nearly all 6,000
monasteries have been destroyed, their valuable contents looted,
and in the schools the language used is now Chinese not Tibetan.
Tibetan culture and religion are in danger of disappearing
completely, unless the existing system can be reversed within a
reasonable time. The stone pillar outside the Jokhang bears the
inscription of the treaty between Tibet and China (A.D. 821). It
states: "Tibetans shall be happy in the land of Tibet and the
Chinese in the land of China" We can only pray that this will come
about without too much delay.
Brief account of time in Tibet Joan Mary Jehu
I first went to Tibet in January 1931, to Yatung en route for
Bhutan on an official mission with my parents. the following year
I went to Lhasa. My father, Col. Leslie Weir, was first in Tibet
in 1909, where he was British trade agent in Gyantse for a few
years. He met H.H. the 13th Dalai Lama in 1910, in Darjeeling with
the Political Officer, Sir Charles Bell. In 1928 my father
returned to Tibet as Political Officer with his wife. They were
invited to Lhasa by the Dalai Lama in 1930 (my mother being the
first European woman ever to be allowed into Lhasa) to help sort
out new problems between the Tibetan Government and the Chinese
revolutionary government. Again, in 1932, Col. Leslie Weir was
asked to go to Lhasa, this time accompanied by my mother and
myself. We were already staying in my father's summer headquarters
in Gyantse when the Dalai Lama's personal invitation came for us
to proceed to lhasa. This was a great surprise and a wonderful
privilege for me. We were given an amazing welcome, both
officially and personally, by all the very good friends my parents
had made on their previous visit. I am happy to say I still remain
very close to the Taring family whom I met at this time, 62 years
ago, As Mary and Jigme both spoke good English and were about my
age. My father spent most of his days in conference with the
Kashag and the Dalai Lama. Then my mother and I accompanied him
one day to the Norbhu Lingka where we were granted a special
audience with His Holiness, who actually descended from his throne
and poured out tea for us as we chatted for a long while, quite
informally. He showed keen interest in our painting and gave
permission for us to draw and paint at many holy places. My
mother painted mainly buildings and landscapes, while I chose to
do portraits of people from all walks of life. This filled many
hours for us and gave terrific amusement to the crowds who
followed us wherever we went. There were many parties and
functions to organise and attend which usually lasted all day.
the abundance of flowers in almost every garden was an enormous
pleasure - the best of these, of course, was at Norbhu Lingka. Our
doctor, Captain Sinclair, was kept busy every day giving
vaccinations and medication to all that came to his surgery behind
our quarter in Dekyi Lingka. Apart from the local people, there
were many pilgrims who had come from the furthest corners of
Tibet, some even all the way from Mongolia. In fact, Tibet was
remarkably empty of foreigners, apart from a few traders from
Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan. Lhasa was, after all, the Forbidden
City, and as such had no embassies or permanent foreign residents
- apart from the Nepalese who had recently made peace with Tibet
after some border wars. The Maharajah of Nepal had given a present
to the Dalai Lama of two large elephants, which I took photographs
of - quite a sight in Lhasa! So now the Nepalese had a
representative and staff in the capital. I did a drawing of one
Chinaman in Lhasa - just a man on the street who was pointed out
to me as such. So, apart from the odd traders, there was
absolutely no Chinese presence there or on our travels in other
towns in Tibet. In my father's early days in Gyantse there were
ambans around, but apart from taking occasional photographs, he
had no official dealings with them. In 1932 there were none about.
I became very aware of the difficult political situation arising
at that time between tibet and China as I had to assist my father
de-cyphering the coded telegraph messages to and from the British
Minister in Peking and the Government of India. Suddenly, one of
our guides was urgently called up to go and help with the border
troubles. There seemed great apprehension in Lhasa as to what the
Chinese would do next on the borders, as the new regime was still
an unknown quantity. Communications were very slow as there was no
wireless in those days and rumour was rife. We were much delayed
on our departure for Sikkim as negotiations between the Kashag and
the Chinese was so protracted. The winter was setting in fast and
there was some doubt as to our chances of crossing the high
passes. This delay was partly caused by the Dalai Lama sending a
letter to the Tashi Lama (Panchen Lama -ed.) requesting his return
to Tibet from China - as soon as possible. This was considered of
utmost importance both by Col. Weir and the Dalai Lama, as well as
most Tibetans. Sadly, this never came to pass. The hostilities
going on between the Tibetans and Chinese on the Eastern borders
were slowing down due to the civil war situation in Szechuan.
Chiang Kai-Shek sent word that their troops were being withdrawn
from the disputed area. This eased the political anxieties
considerably and my father was given leave to begin his return
journey. By then it was early December and bitterly cold. The day
after we crossed the Nathu-la it was completely snowed up and
impassable for the winter. When my father wrote to thank the Dalai
Lama for his kindness and hospitality, and to say how lucky we
were to have crossed the passes in the nick of time, His Holiness
replied that this was not luck - He had prayed for it!
Late News
As we were preparing this issue, we received the sad news about
the passing away of Mrs. Joan Mary Jehu on October 19, 1994. His
Holiness the Dalai Lama sent a message of condolence to her family
on October 28, 1994 calling her "a close friend of Tibetans". Our
obituary is on page 25. Editor
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World Tibet Network NewsThursday, November 24, 1994 |
1. TIBETAN BULLETIN November-December 1994 (2)
3. COVER STORY
Eyewitnesses to history
In September 1994 a historic meeting took place in London. Seven
individuals from different parts of the world gathered there to
meet His Holiness the Dalai Lama, who was on a visit to the United
Kingdom, and to talk about one common issue: their recollection of
the days spent in independent Tibet. These individuals had spent
some time in Tibet in different parts of this century. They were:
Mrs. Joan Mary Jehu ( who visited Tibet in September 1932
accompanying her father, Colonel Weir, the Political Officer in
Sikkim, on an official mission to Tibet.); Mr. Robert Ford ( who
was radio officer with the British Mission in Lhasa in 1945 and
radio officer to the Tibetan Government from 1948 to 1950.); Mr
Heinrich Harrer (who spent seven years in Tibet from 1943 to
1950); Mr Archibald Jack (who visited the British Army garrison at
Gyantse in 1938); Dr Bruno Beger ( anthropologist, ethnologist,
geographer and physician of the 1939 German Schaefer expedition to
Tibet.); Prof. Fosco Maraini (who visited Tibet in 1937 and 1948
with Prof. Giuseppe Tucci of Rome University.); and Kazi Sonam
Topgyal ( official interpreter and translator to the Indian
Mission in Lhasa from 1949 for the next seven years. Visited
Tibet again in 1957-58 as a member of an Indian delegation to
explore the possible visit of Indian Prime Minister Nehru.). Mr.
Hugh Richardson, the head of the British mission in Lhasa, could
not attend on account of indisposition, but he nevertheless issued
a statement. After their meeting on September 13, 1994, they came
out with the following joint press statement. " On the occasion of
His Holiness the Dalai Lama's visit to London in September 1994,
His Holiness invited for lunch a group of us who had the privilege
to live, visit and work in Tibet prior to the Chinese invasion of
the country in 1950, to exchange our experiences and reminiscences
of that time. As some of the few remaining foreigners who
witnessed independent Tibet, we are unanimous in our conviction
that Tibet was a fully sovereign country. The independence of
Tibet was evident by our observation of the following facts:
1.The Government of Tibet had absolute control over its internal
and external affairs;
2.There was no Chinese involvement in any form in the affairs of
Tibet:
3.His Holiness the Dalai lama was the supreme temporal and
spiritual leader of the country to whom the Tibet people showed
unswerving loyalty;
4.Tibet issued its own currency and stamps;
5.Tibet was economically self-sufficient;
6.Tibet raised and maintained its own small army;
7.Tibet had its own distinct language, writing, culture and
traditions.
8.Tibet remained neutral during the Second World War; We are
deeply concerned by the continuing occupation of Tibet by the
Chinese which has resulted in:
1. The continuing gross violation of human rights;
2. The death of one sixth of the population of Tibet (1.2
million); 3. A massive transfer of Chinese population into Tibet
with the consequence that Tibetans are now a minority in their own
land; 4. Environmental degradation including massive
deforestation;
5. Continuing attacks on Tibet's cultural and religious
heritage, including the denial of religious freedom; 6. A birth
control policy which includes forced sterilisation and abortions;
7. The militarisation and deployment of nuclear weapons in Tibet
threatening the security and peace in Asia We call upon the
international community to recognise the continuing injustice and
suffering of the Tibetan people and to urge their governments to
take appropriate actions to save Tibet's unique cultural heritage
before it is too late and to restore Tibet's former independence.
My direct experience Hugh Richardson
I was in Tibet for nine years between 1936 and 1950 representing
the British Government until August 15, 1947 and thereafter the
Government of independent India. The situation I saw stemmed from
1912 when the Tibetans expelled all Chinese and the Dalai Lama
declared Tibet independent. In an attempt to stabilise relations a
tripartite conference was convened at Simla at which Great
Britain, China and Tibet were each represented by a
plenipotentiary whose full powers were accepted by the other
parties. In the powers granted to Sir. Henry McMahon it was
asserted that a state of war existed between the Chinese
Government and the Government of the Dalai Lama. The Chinese
withdrew from the drafted tripartite agreement but the British
Government signed the Convention directly with the Tibetans,
expressly denying the Chinese any privileges they would have had
if they had signed it. Those privileges included the recognition
by the Tibetans of the suzerainty of China which they had been
ready, although reluctantly, to accept if the Chinese agreed to
their part of the bargain. Since 1912 no Chinese were in Tibet
except for a few traders and some Muslim butchers at Lhasa. There
were no Chinese troops and no officials until 1935 when a small
party managed to get in. They were regarded by the Tibetans as an
unofficial liaison office; and in 1949 they were expelled by the
Tibetan Government. The Government at Lhasa with which I dealt was
beyond question in complete control of its own affairs, dealing
directly with the Government of India in such matters as frontier
disputes, trade questions, supply of arms and ammunition and so
on. There was no Chinese participation whatever in such matters
and no reference to them, nor were they informed. In all
practical matters the Tibetans were independent. In face of
threats they consistently refused permission for the Chinese to
send troops into Tibet, accompany the Panchen Lama and, also in
face of threats, they maintained their neutrality during the war
by refusing to allow the transit of military supplies to China
across Tibet. In 1943 Sir Anthony Eden made the British position
clear in a note to T.V. Soong, the Chinese Foreign Minister. He
stated that the British Government had always been prepared to
recognise Chinese suzerainty over Tibet but only on the
understanding that Tibet be regard as autonomous. He said that
since 1911 Tibet had enjoyed de facto independence (L/PS 12/4 of
August 5, 1943.) That was reaffirmed in Parliament on November 6,
1950 by the Parliamentary Under Secretary at the Foreign Office,
Mr. Ernest Davies, who also recalled the assurance given by H.M.G.
(through myself) to the Tibetan Government, of a more friendly
interest in the welfare and autonomy of Tibet. H.M.G. therefore
regarded Tibet as enjoying de facto independence when it was
invaded by the Chinese in October 1950; and when the Tibetan
Government appealed to the UN in protest against the Chinese
aggression the Foreign Office decided that Tibet fulfilled the
requirements of statehood under the UN Charter; but when Sir
Gladwyn Jebb was unwilling to take up a different position from
that of the India Government he persuaded the British Government
to withhold support from the Tibetan appeal on the grounds that
the legal position was unclear. And so the British Government, the
only government among western countries to have had treaty
relations with Tibet, sold the Tibetans down the river and since
then have constantly cold-shouldered the Tibetans so that in 1959
they would not even support a resolution in the UN condemning the
violation of human rights in Tibet by the Chinese Australian, New
Zealand and Canada all voted for the resolution which was carried
by 45 votes to 9 with 26 abstentions, including that of the U.K. I
was profoundly ashamed of the government and continued to be
ashamed at their unwillingness to recognise that Tibet has a right
to self-determination, and their treatment of the Dalai Lama.
Tibet in 1937 and 1948 Fosco Maraini
As is well-known, in 1904 the British organised a military
expedition to establish communications with Lhasa and with Tibet.
I visited Tibet in the summer of 1937, with Professor Guiseppe
Tucci of Rome University, travelling from Gangtok (in Sikkim) to
Gyantse - all on foot. Were there still some signs of the "British
occupation of Tibet"? Very few indeed. The line of post houses
from Karponang to Yatung, and from Phari to Tuna, to Dochen, and
so on, up to Gyantse, may be mentioned - but they were used not
only by officials, but by Tibetan notables and foreigners of many
nationalities. Here and there one also noticed the meagre poles
and the single line of the telegraph system installed by the
British between Lhasa and Gangtok and India. The British, however,
never built a road from India (either from Gangtok or Kalimpong,
crossing either the Nathu-la or the Jelep-la) to Gyantse and to
Lhasa. The British seem to have been interested only in keeping
out of Tibet any potential major power, meaning by this Russia or
China. A political Officer was stationed in Lhasa, and a very
small force was stationed in Gyantse, but the Tibetans were left
entirely free to arrange their own internal affairs as it please
them. A foreigner visiting Tibet noticed at once that the people
used their own currency in practically all normal dealings, and
that they also had their own stamps for internal postal use. When
in Tibet I noticed no sign of Chinese presence, and of course no
signs of Russian influence. In this sense, the British had
obtained exactly what they wanted, the creation of safe neutral
cushion between their dominions in India and the two great powers
of the Northern Asian mainland. I visited Tibet again in 1948,
also with Prof. Guiseppe Tucci, but the situation had scarcely
changed. Unfortunately, the Tibetans had no idea that China would
become a frightening threat, only a few months in the future. I
saw some military units near to Yatung, but I must say that they
looked painfully inadequate for any form of modern warfare. The
British have been accused by the Chinese of "imperialism" in
Tibet, and they called their own aggression of Tibet a "war of
liberation" a most absurd mental somersault. The British were only
interested, as we have seen, in keeping other great powers out of
the Tibetan area. After the initial brutal shock of the
Younghusband expedition in 1904, a very friendly relationship
developed between British India and Tibet, and also personally
between the English, the Indians and the Tibetans. I personally
think it was a great pity that the British were not a little more
"imperialistic" in their dealings with Tibet! In reality, their
political behaviour was shortsighted and egoistical. For example,
if a road had been built between Gangtok (or Kalimpong) and Lhasa,
and a few buses had been running up and down the line for the
benefit of a limited number of traders, Tibet would not have
remained so desperately isolated from the rest of the world.
Tibetans would have learnt to be more international, to drive
vehicles, to use foreign currencies, to deposit their money in
banks and to use cheques, to read newspapers, to own passports -
and so on. In other words, they have gradually become used to the
twentieth century, and they would have been able, if not to resist
militarily the Chinese, at least to state their case much more
boldly and efficiently in front of the nations of the world, thus
making the Chinese aggression more difficult, and at least
obtaining greater advantages for themselves. The Bhutanese were
lucky to have a king whose eyes were open to the ways of the
world, and who managed to present his case to the United Nations
at the right time and in the right way, thus saving his country
from foreign domination. Something similar could have happened in
regard to Tibet, if the Tibetans, encouraged by the British, had
not been slumbering in a world of dreams, living, as it were, in
an historical void.
Seven years in Tibet Heinrich Harrer
After reaching the "Roof of the World" I had fulfilled the dream
of my youth. As a penniless fugitive, I soon experienced the
hospitality of the Tibetans. I learned that I was living with a
happy people in a happy free country. As a matter of fact, Tibet
was so independent that only the Tibetan Government in Lhasa had
the authority to issue a permit for crossing the border. While I
was there, the happiest seven years of my life, I had the
privilege to work with farmers in the south and also to stay with
the nomads in the north. During all these travels I never met a
single Chinese - no soldier, no office, not even a Chinese trader.
Only in Lhasa, where I lived with Tibetan Officials and nobility,
only in the capital stayed a handful of Chinese civilians. These
officials I met at receptions or great ceremonies, were present.
There were no privileges or preferences. It was as it is customary
in free and independent countries all over the world. The
invitations of the Tibetan Government to the representatives of
other nations were generous, the atmosphere was amicable and
extremely polite. As the civil war in China went on, the Tibetan
Government asked the few Chinese to leave Lhasa. It was done very
politely, and all the Chinese had white silk good luck scarves
around their necks when riding through the big western gate stupa
on their way to India. I took a few pictures of the little
caravan, but otherwise the population of Lhasa took hardly any
notice. During those days the Tibetan Government made several
efforts to inform the world of thee Chinese threat. There was
certainly no imperialistic influence, as the Chinese broadcast
said, and it was ridiculous to speak of freeing Tibet. Freeing of
what, of whom? The British gave India independence, retired as
colonial power and then the Chinese began neo-colonialism. The cry
for help came late and had little effect, simply because Tibet had
no newspaper, no radio, no means or communication with the outside
world. It is amazing how little the West knew about the country
and its people - a monk state, surrounded by the highest mountains
of the world. Only recently the world learned that there was a
thousand-year-old independent high culture. The artistic skill of
handicraft, metalwork, woodcarving, pottery and painting
astonished the visitors of exhibitions. All this fine meticulous
work had been possible because Tibetans had no stress, did not
have all those materialistic ambitions and found plenty of time
for family, meditation and leisure. I am grateful to His Holiness
for arranging this meeting. I am very happy to see some of those
who shared the unforgettable wonderful time we spent together half
a century ago in free Tibet. Undoubtedly they all will give
testimony that we led a happy life in a happy, free and totally
independent country. The suffering in the occupied country
continues. The Tibetans need the unconditional and absolute
solidarity of the free world.
Some personal observations Robert Ford
"Since 1911 Lhasa has to all practical purposes enjoyed full
independence. It has its own currency and customs: it runs its own
telegraph and postal service: it maintains a civil service
different from that of any part of China: and it even keeps its
own army. In policy Lhasa often acts even more independently."
(T.L. Shen, Head of Chinese Mission in Lhasa from 1944 to 47)
I visited Tibet in 1945 as a Radio Officer with the British
Mission in Lhasa and subsequently until 1947 with the Political
Officer in Sikkim. The Political Officer in Sikkim was responsible
for the conduct of all aspects of British India's relations with
Tibet, Sikkim and Bhutan, the Mission with their day-to-day
implementation as regards Tibet through the Tibetan Bureau of
Foreign Affairs. >From 1948 to 1950, I was Radio Officer to the
Tibetan Government, charged with installing. Tibet's first
broadcasting station and developing an internal radio
communications system. I became the first foreigner ever to be
employed by the Tibetan Government and was given an official rank
in the Tibetan hierarchy. I had a unique opportunity to live and
travel widely in Tibet, particularly in Northern and Eastern Tibet
until I was captured and imprisonment by the invading Chinese
Communists in 1950. During my five years in Tibet, I had the
opportunity to witness and experience at first hand the reality of
Tibetan independence. In 1946, I accompanied an official Tibetan
Goodwill Mission to Delhi. The Mission was sent to India and China
to congratulate the allies on their victory. It was received by
the Viceroy of India, Lord Wavell, attended the Delhi Victory
Parade. Its reception in China was predictably different. It was
received by the "Commission on Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs" and
tricked into attending the National Assembly as "delegates". Tibet
was also represented at the "Asian Relations Conference" in India
in 1947, organised by the Congress Party of India. The Tibetans
attended as a separate delegation under their own flag, much to
the annoyance of the Chinese. Later that year, a Tibetan Trade
Delegation visited India, Britain, the United States and China.
The delegates carried Tibetan passports which were accepted by all
the countries they visited with the exception of China. The
delegation had limited success on the commerce front but
politically it had set another precedent supporting Tibet's
independence. 1949 also saw the transfer of power in India with
the departure of the British. India formally assumed all the
British obligations and rights under the existing treaties with
Tibet, including "special rights" and "most favoured nation"
status. Relations between Tibet and India continued on the same
footing as before. Newly independent India had simply inherited
from the British the need to secure her northern frontier and, in
doing so, willingly accepted the existing treaty relationship with
Tibet. Further evidence of Tibet's independence was forthcoming
with the expulsion in 1949 via India of the Chinese mission in
Lhasa and a single Chinese official in Chamdo along with a number
of Chinese traders. The Tibetans feared that, with the collapse of
the Nationalist government in China, allegiance might be switched
to the Communists. It is interesting to note that Chinese
officials travelling between Tibet and China invariably did so via
India, to avoid the long arduous and sometimes dangerous overland
route through eastern Tibet. It was accepted practice that when
transit through India to Tibet was requested by China for its
officials, the Delhi Government always sought Lhasa's approval for
entry to Tibet. Religion came to dominate every aspect of Tibetan
life with the introduction of Buddhism in the seventh century and
Tibet's former militarist and aggressive traditions withered and
died. The Buddhist church assumed domination in secular as well as
religious matters with the Dalai Lama, as supreme temporal and
spiritual ruler. Tibet preferred to live in its own self-imposed
isolation, having the minimum of relations only with its immediate
neighbours: India, China and Nepal. She never sought international
recognition nor wanted to open diplomatic relations with other
countries. Tibet controlled her own affairs internally and
externally, remained so until the Chinese Communist invasion of
1950. Travelling into Tibet from India along the recognised trade
route there was no frontier post, no officials, no police, no
customs or immigration control. The Tibetans kept out unwanted
visitors. The government simply made it a serious offence for any
of their subjects to provide food, shelter or transport to any
foreigner who could not produce a "Lamyik" or travel pass issued
by the Lhasa authorities. This system was in force throughout
Tibet. The next notable features on the India-Lhasa trade route
were the British (later Indian after 1947) trade agencies at
Yatung and Gyangtse. They had been established under the
Anglo-Tibet Trade Treaty of 1908 when Britain acquired these
extra-territorial privileges, which also included the right to
maintain small military garrisons at the agencies. These were
still in operation during my time in Tibet, as waspPost and
telegraphy service and staging bungalows between the frontier and
Gyangtse installed and operated by British India. Here was
practical proof that Tibet enjoyed the right to conclude treaties
with foreign powers. All departments of central and local
government were wholly Tibetan and under the supreme authority of
the Dalai Lama (or in his minority a Regent). Responsible to the
Dalai Lama were the two prime ministers, one lay and the other
monk. The principal executive body of the Tibetan government was
the Kashag or Council, usually composed of three lay senior nobles
and one senior monk. Below the Council, and responsible to it,
were the various administrative departments, often headed by one
lay and one monk official, such as political, finance, army,
foreign affairs etc. Parallel with this was the administration of
monastic affairs. The Lord Chamberlain was the highest religious
official below the Dalai Lama and responsible to him was the
monastic council. Of importance too was the National Assembly
which represented all classes of Tibetan society, particularly
that of the numerous monk population, through the abbots of the
great monasteries. The National Assembly met only when summoned by
the Council to present its views on specific matters of importance
or at times of crisis. There thus was an elaborate, entirely
Tibetan, system of government with checks and balances between the
monk and lay elements. Local government was effected through about
100 districts, each administered by two officials, one lay and one
monk. They had wide powers locally, being guided by tradition
rather than instructions from the centre, and were appointed for
fixed periods. Exceptionally, Eastern Tibet was administered by a
governor general, often a member of the Lhasa Council, with his
own officials, as was Western Tibet under a governor. I had
personal experience of this system of central and local government
both in the capital Lhasa where I was attached to the Foreign
Affairs Bureau and in Chamdo in Eastern Tibet under the governor
general. It was, however, an effective government and generally
accepted by the population at large. It is interesting to note
that in all its history there is no record of widespread agrarian
discontent, let alone of popular uprising against the government.
That only occurred with the arrival of the Chinese Communist
regime. There was much inequality but little envy. Poverty was
widespread but there was never any starvation. The Tibetan army
numbered about 12,000 but by modern standards was only lightly
equipped with mainly British-made rifles, machine guns, mortars
and a few mountain guns. A large part of the army was stationed in
the east where the main threat, from China, was perceived. Tibet
issued its own currency. All notes and coins bore the government
seal of the lion and the year of issue. Tibet as a whole lived in
economic balance with its trading neighbours, was stable. My own
salary was calculated an paid in local currency. There was other
evidence of Tibet's independence. During World War II, Tibet
remained neutral and even rejected Chinese proposals to build a
military supply route through Tibet from India to supplement the
Burma Road, despite British support for the scheme. As a
compromise, non-military supplies were allowed to transit Tibet
but any plans to construct new supply routes were firmly resisted.
At one stage, the United States sent a two-man mission to examine
possible trans-Tibet route. Permission for the mission to enter
Tibet had to be sought from the Tibetan Government - a sharp
reminder of the practical relationship between Tibet and China.
With its increasing contacts with the outside world, Tibet set up
a Bureau of Foreign Affairs in 1942. The British mission worked
with this sensible and practical arrangement but the Chinese
mission, for obvious reasons, refused to do so, thus isolating
itself from meaningful contact with the Tibetan authorities.
The Status of Tibet in 1938-39 Dr. Bruno Beger
After having travelled twice for research purposes via China to
Eastern Tibet with the Brook-Doan Expedition in 1931/32 and from
1934 to 1936, Dr. Ernst Shaefer planned a German expedition to
Tibet of his own in 1937. He was particularly interested in a
highly integrated expedition, covering such aspects as the soil,
the plants, the animal and the human beings. For this purpose he
was in search of suitable expedition members. Having studied
anthropology, geography and ethnography in Jena and Heidelberg, I
went to Berlin for the completion of my studies. There I got in
contact with Dr. Schaefer at the beginning of the autumn semester
in 1937. So did the geo-physician, Dr. Karl Lienert, the
photographer and entomologist, Ernst Krause, as well as one
technical expert, Edmund Geer. We had already known Schaefer from
newspaper reports and his own publications. Tibet and its culture,
which I had read about quite a lot, enthusiastically agreed to
join the expedition. Schaefer described to us Tibet as a
completely sovereign state that was anxious to preserve its
independence to protect its old culture from foreign influences
and ambitious cravings. Tibet was regarded as the "Forbidden
Land". It would certainly be difficult to enter it by crossing one
of its neighbouring countries, but experience had shown him that
it would be possible to achieve this goal. The Schaefer Tibet
Expedition of 1938/39 finally chose the route via India and
Sikkim, despite all the warnings and difficulties from the British
side. A non-permitted frontier crossing in October 1938, leading
in from North Sikkim to the King of Taring, who at the time
resided at Doptra-Dzong, brought about our first contact with the
Tibetan Government. After causing some trouble, British India had
given its permission to the expedition to address a request for
entry to the Government in Lhasa. They were very keen on keeping
up their limited influence in South Tibet, for they feared the
ambitions of China and the Soviet Union. Our expedition considered
this an unfounded suspicion. But when we had received the
invitation from the independent state of Tibet, we were authorised
to travel to Lhasa. The Schaefer-Expedition explored Southern
Tibet from October 1938 to July 1939, thanks to an attestation
from the Tibetan Government which proved to be very useful and
important: the arrival of our expedition had been announced
beforehand in advance, and for this reason we were welcomed and
well-received everywhere and provided with the necessary things on
our way through the Chumbi Valley, then from Gyantse to Lhasa and
from there via Samye across the Yarlung Valley to Shigatse and
back again to Gangtok via Gyantse. In Lhasa itself we were
received in a very friendly way and got into close contact with
government officials and other influential people of the country.
>From numerous talks, the members of the expedition could gather,
again and again, how eager the Tibetans were to keep up their
rightful state of independence which had been reinforced again by
the Treaty of 1912. The minimum foreign influence granted by
contact to British India was tolerated reluctantly as a certain
counter-measure to keep a check on the ambitious desires and
unjustified interests of the Chinese (and to a certain extent of
the Russians as well). Nevertheless, the Tibetans could not
forgive and forget the provocative attack, as well as the
bloodshed, caused by the British-Indian Expedition Corps in 1904.
They often talked about that. The political development in China
was a cause for worry and the Chinese representatives in Lhasa
were observed with mixed feelings. For a better protection of the
country and to maintain their sovereignty, the Government set up a
modern army of 10,000 men, whose training could be admired by us
in Shigatse. Everything was obviously done with diplomatic skill
to preserve their independence. Even our having been invited was
probably due to the Tibetans' aim to establish a first contact
with the rising "German Reich", which might contribute to the
support of their status of independence. I had among the many
contacts in Lhasa a special friendship with the family of H.H. the
14th Dalai Lama, with the Phala family and with the monastery
official Moendroe, who was in charge of the city's police
department. From them I heard about all the worries in the
country, even of their economic problems. For instance, every
year, when the long caravans were on their way to India
transporting wool, their main export article, Indian buyers would
manipulate the Tibetan currency to the disadvantage of the
Tibetans. I experienced in Tibet the great pleasure of getting to
know very closely the last old culture on this earth and I felt
the great wish that it might remain untouched even while having to
assimilate external influences, especially in the field of
technology. I found the leading personalities sensitive to reforms
and modernisation, which would have taken place in a harmonious
way, instead of being forced upon with cruel bloodshed as it was
done by the Red Chinese. I still have the great hope that the
freedom movement all over the world will also change the attitude
of the Chinese towards the Tibetans and that Tibet will again
experience the status of independence.
A brief account of experience Sonam T. Kazi
I was born in Sikkim in 1925 and am the fifth son of Relon Sonam
Dadul Renock Kazi, a landlord and an official of the Government of
Sikkim. My father's estate touched the boundaries of three other
countries - Tibet, Bhutan, and India. Since the main Indo-Tibetan
trade route ran through this estate, my ancestors have always been
eyewitnesses to the principal political events concerning Tibet,
such as the British invasion of Tibet in 1904; the Chinese
invasion of Tibet that forced His Holiness the Thirteenth Dalai
Lama to escape to India; the internal trouble in China that caused
the Chinese Amban and his entourage to vacate Tibet; and H.H. the
Thirteenth Dalai Lama's return to Tibet from India in 1912, upon
which he declared the total independence of Tibet. Throughout my
childhood, my father used to relate these events about Tibet to
me. He had been to Tibet twice and had met H.H. the Thirteenth
Dalai Lama in connection with Sikkimese properties there. The
stories I heard from him, together with my strong interest in the
Buddhist religion, increased my interest to go to Tibet. This
opportunity came in 1949, when the Indian mission in Lhasa was
looking for a candidate to fill the vacant post of an English-and
Tibetan-knowing assistant. I was accepted for this post and left
Gangtok, Sikkim, on January 5, 1949, and arrived in Lhasa on
January 21. I was happy to arrive when Tibet was celebrating the
New Year, a month-long celebration that reveals the ancient life
and culture of Tibet. I held the post there for seven years - from
January 1949 to October 1955. Mr. Hugh Richardson was then the
Officer-in-Charge of the mission. After my seven -year stay, I
returned to Sikkim. My first impression of Tibet was: "Could
there be any other place on this earth where peace and happiness
really prevail?" The peace and happiness I saw in Tibet at this
time must surely have been the result of the freedom that
independent Tibet enjoyed since 1912, under the leadership of H.H.
the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, and which continued even after his
demise, up until the Communist invasion in 1950. As described by
His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama in Appendix II of his
autobiography My Land and My People: Whatever the position of
Tibet may have been prior to 1911-12, in any event, from the day
that the Thirteenth Dalai Lama proclaimed the independence of
Tibet, after the invading Chinese armies had been driven out of
Tibet, Tibet was not only independent de facto but de jure. At the
time I arrived in Tibet, H.H. the Dalai Lama's Fourteenth
Reincarnation had already been found and enthroned, but had not
yet assumed the administrative power, and Tibet was still being
run by a regent. I saw Tibet enjoying all the attributes of a free
and independent country at that time:
1. Tibet had her own language, art, culture, and religion.
Although Tibetans themselves were Buddhists, there was freedom of
worship in connection with other religions. Tibet also had
thelargest number of Buddhist scriptures of both Mahayana a and
Tantrayana in the world.
2. In regard to foreign relations, Tibet had representatives
from the British Government and subsequently the Indian
Government, and from Bhutan and Nepal.
3. I saw Tibetan using their own paper currency as well as
copper and silver currencies, minted by themselves; I heard that,
in the past, gold currency had also been circulated.
4. Tibet had her own postal system with a network of post
offices and franking seals. Letters could also be registered.
Tibet printed her own postal stamps of different sizes, colours,
and denominations, issued at different time. These stamps had a
figure of a lion, the national emblem, in the centre. Each stamp
had letters in Tibetan stating "Tibetan Government" and in English
stating "Tibet." Tibetan stamps were very well known to
sophisticated philatelists the world over.
5. Tibet had her own communications system. Telegrams could be
sent to Gyantse, Yatung, and India from the Tibetan Telegraph
Office. Wireless stations existed between Lhasa and Chamdo and
other places along the eastern border. Stamps of higher
denominations were especially issued for sending messages. And I
heard Radio Tibet Broadcasting news in English from Lhasa for a
short time in 1950 before the Communists came.
6. Tibet had a police department to maintain law and order, and
magistrates in important cities, with a system of courts to
provide justice. Although small in number, Tibet also had her own
soldiers. They were used for ceremonial functions and to guard the
frontier.
7. She had her own departments for dealing with foreign affairs,
internal affairs and so on. She issued her own passports to
governmental officials who were visiting foreign countries, and
controlled the entry of foreign persons into the country.
8. Tibet also had her own Ayurvedic system of medicine.
9. I had the rare opportunity to travel with Mr. Richardson to
the important historical places of Yarlung Valley and assist him
in studying the ancient stone edicts in Tibet. The records
inscribed in stone prove that not only did Tibet enjoy
independence in the twentieth century, but in the beginning of the
seventh century, during the time of Songtsen Gampo and some of his
successors, Tibet was a powerful sovereign state. For information
on these stone edicts, one should consult Mr. Hugh Richardson's
series of works, Ancient Historical Edicts at Lhasa, etc.,
published by The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and
Ireland in 1952. Detailed, authentic information about the periods
in Tibetan history thereafter when Tibet lost and gained various
degrees of her independence can be obtained from any books on
Tibetan history. This golden period of peace in twentieth-century
Tibet began to come to an end, however, in 1950 when the Communist
Chinese began to march towards Tibet. I saw the departure of
Sawang Ngapo for Chamdo, along with newly recruited Tibetan
soldiers. Very soon, the Chinese attacked Chamdo, arrested Sawang
Ngapo and the wireless officer Bob Ford, and took them to China. I
saw how H.H. the Dalai Lama left his palace at ten o'clock at
night for Yatung, near the Indian border. Meanwhile, we heard in
Lhasa how Sawang Ngapo had to sign a seventeen-point agreement in
Peking. General Chang Chin-wu came via India to talk to the Dalai
Lama at Yatung. I saw him coming to Tibet and the Dalai Lama
returning to Lhasa. After that, two or three more generals came,
along with many Chinese soldiers, and gradually China began to
take away Tibet's freedom. I saw the Chinese Liberation Army led
by General Wang Ching-me enter Lhasa and then saw the departure of
the Dalai Lama to Peking to meet Mao Tse-tung and then His
Holiness' return to Tibet thereafter. Before I left Lhasa in
October 1955, I and my family had an audience with H.H. the Dalai
Lama. I thought that this might be the last opportunity for us to
see this wonderful land ruled by the Buddha Incarnate.
Fortunately, I had the luck not only to see His Holiness again but
to serve him as his chief interpreter when he was invited to India
for a four-month tour in 1956, during India's celebration of the
2500th anniversary of the birth of Lord Buddha. It was at this
time that Chinese Premier Chou En-lai came to India. I remember
the official lunch I attended as translator, with H.H. the Dalai,
H.H. the Panchen Lama, and Premier Chou En-lai, given by Indian
Prime Minister Nehru in Delhi. When His Holiness returned to
Lhasa, I saw him off at Nathula (Pass) , where the Communist
Chinese came to receive him. In the autumn of 1957, I went with
the Political Officer, Mr. Pant, to visit Lhasa. I felt that His
Holiness was under great pressure. I saw no hope that he would
ever enjoy any peace in Tibet. This turned out to be my last visit
to Tibet. In March of 1959, I heard that fighting had started in
Lhasa and that H.H. the Dalai Lama had escaped, but no one knew of
his whereabouts. The outside world showed great concern for his
safety. Suddenly we heard that he had crossed over into India. The
Government of India sent Mr. Menon and me to receive His Holiness
at Bomdila, near the Indo-Tibetan border. From there we went to
Tezpur, Mussoorie, and finally, to Dharamsala. I was attached to
H.H. the Fourteenth Dalai Lama as his chief interpreter for 13
years in Dharamsala, until 1972. It was very sad to witness the
Tibetans who were utterly disturbed psychologically, physically,
and financially, being displaced from their native land. These are
the unique people of the world whose sole intention is to practice
non violence and compassion and to make all living beings in this
world live peacefully and attain eternal happiness. All
peace-loving people in this world continue to hope for a peaceful
settlement between these two, once friendly countries os that
happiness and comfort will reign again in the Snow Land of
Buddhism.
Travel to Tibet in 1938 Archibald Jack
I would like first to make the point that I visited Tibet during
1938 for just two months and Lhasa for only eight days: thus my
contribution to this meting is of little consequence, compared
with those of others present, who are acknowledged experts on the
subject. Throughout our visit my companion, Captain Kenneth
Shepheard, and I encountered a people, who in every respect were
most kind, cheerful and helpful; they obviously enjoyed a happy
life, as is normally the case with mountain people world-wide. We
were given a warm welcome each night at our primitive lodgings and
the headman in each hamlet provided us effectively with all the
pack animals, ponies and yaks, that were required for the
following day. We provided simple medication for the peasants, on
request, and this was always received with gratitude. In the
village of Samada, the headman invited us to participate in a
memorable evening of splendid music and country dancing. On our
arrival in Gyantse, we visited the British fort, which had a small
garrison of Indian troops, and called on the then British trade
agent, Mr. Hugh Richardson. I arrived in Lhasa on September 13,
1938 and stayed at the British Mission - Dekyi Lingka (Happy
Garden) in Lhasa. While in Lhasa we were given a wonderful
reception. We were invited to visit the Regent, the Prime
Minister, four Shapes (past or, present, members of the Kashag,
the Cabinet) and other citizens of note, who entertained us
liberally. We also met with the Nepalese representative who had a
small escort of Gurkha soldiers. Before the First World War, a
strong personal accord developed between the 13th Dalai Lama and
the British resident in Sikkim, Sir Charles Bell. Bell was most
anxious that Tibet should become more knowledgeable about the
outside world and, as a first step, he persuaded the Dalai Lama to
select four young Tibetan boys and arranged for them to be
educated in a school in Britain. Rubgy was the school finally
selected and there the boys passed several happy years. Of these
four, one had, sadly, died shortly after his return from Britain.
The other three, Ringang, Mingdro and Kyipu, were in excellent
health and we met them in Lhasa. This gave me great pleasure, for
I also have been to Rubgy school though a few years later, and we
were able to discuss, with much laughter, the curious habits of
some of those scholarly masters, to whom we had been entrusted. Of
these three, Mindong was an immensely tall monk with a splendid
sense of humour; he was the monk magistrate for Shol, that sector
of Lhasa which lies directly below the Potala. Kyipu was city
magistrate in Lhasa. Ringang, the youngest, had spent some 13
years in Britain and after school had gone on to London University
and then to Birmingham University to study engineering. He became
a magistrate in an outlying part of Tibet, then he installed a
hydro electric plant in Lhasa, he was interpreter to the cabinet
and, on ceremonial occasions, had the honour of commanding some
600 feudal cavalry. We were told the story of the Lopchak: this a
caravan which bring every two years from Leh to Lhasa, a tribute
according to very ancient treaty. The caravan may take three
months to make the journey, arriving in Lhasa always in October.
By that time, the passes on this trail are snowbound, so the
caravan is obliged to pass the winter in Lhasa and return to Leh
the following year. Though there was a Chinese government
representative in Lhasa, we did not have the opportunity to meet
him. They were told that there were only four Chinese in Lhasa at
that time. During my brief stay in Lhasa, I learned that the Dalai
Lama ruled Tibet with the aid of a Prime Minister and a Cabinet
composed of four members, one of whom was a monk and were known as
Shapes. They were appointed by the Dalai Lama. The second and
third rank officials were known as Dzasas and Tejis and the fourth
as Depons, the fifth rank were composed of magistrates and medium
Dzongpens, the sixth of lesser Dzongpens, the seventh of Tax
Collectors and other minor officials and the eight of nongazetted
officials. Throughout our two months in Tibet we were greeted
everywhere with smiles and laughter; the Tibetans appeared to be
really happy, infectiously so, and there is little doubt that they
found in their religion much encouragement and stability. Against
this former scenario it is quite appalling to picture the scene,
as it is today. From the military point of view, it is estimated
that some 300,000 Chinese troops are stationed in Tibet. What is
really disturbing is that China has installed in Tibet at least
five nuclear bases containing 8 intercontinental missiles and 70
medium missiles: in addition there are 14 large military airports
plus some smaller ones, and 17 radar stations. This situation
causes much concern to Tibet's neighbours, not surprisingly.
Probably the most important problem to be resolved is the
population change that has been imposed: it is estimated that the
population in Tibet today is composed of some six million Tibetans
and 7.5 million Chinese. These Chinese are considerably better off
in Tibet than they ever were in China and, thus,have no wish to
return to their homeland. Though on a very much larger scale, this
problem is similar to that existing in the Baltic states, where
large Russian communities have no wish to return to their homeland
either. Some one million Tibetans have died since the Chinese
invasion of 1950, some from starvation, some just slaughtered. The
peasants have been deprived of their farmland, nearly all 6,000
monasteries have been destroyed, their valuable contents looted,
and in the schools the language used is now Chinese not Tibetan.
Tibetan culture and religion are in danger of disappearing
completely, unless the existing system can be reversed within a
reasonable time. The stone pillar outside the Jokhang bears the
inscription of the treaty between Tibet and China (A.D. 821). It
states: "Tibetans shall be happy in the land of Tibet and the
Chinese in the land of China" We can only pray that this will come
about without too much delay.
Brief account of time in Tibet Joan Mary Jehu
I first went to Tibet in January 1931, to Yatung en route for
Bhutan on an official mission with my parents. the following year
I went to Lhasa. My father, Col. Leslie Weir, was first in Tibet
in 1909, where he was British trade agent in Gyantse for a few
years. He met H.H. the 13th Dalai Lama in 1910, in Darjeeling with
the Political Officer, Sir Charles Bell. In 1928 my father
returned to Tibet as Political Officer with his wife. They were
invited to Lhasa by the Dalai Lama in 1930 (my mother being the
first European woman ever to be allowed into Lhasa) to help sort
out new problems between the Tibetan Government and the Chinese
revolutionary government. Again, in 1932, Col. Leslie Weir was
asked to go to Lhasa, this time accompanied by my mother and
myself. We were already staying in my father's summer headquarters
in Gyantse when the Dalai Lama's personal invitation came for us
to proceed to lhasa. This was a great surprise and a wonderful
privilege for me. We were given an amazing welcome, both
officially and personally, by all the very good friends my parents
had made on their previous visit. I am happy to say I still remain
very close to the Taring family whom I met at this time, 62 years
ago, As Mary and Jigme both spoke good English and were about my
age. My father spent most of his days in conference with the
Kashag and the Dalai Lama. Then my mother and I accompanied him
one day to the Norbhu Lingka where we were granted a special
audience with His Holiness, who actually descended from his throne
and poured out tea for us as we chatted for a long while, quite
informally. He showed keen interest in our painting and gave
permission for us to draw and paint at many holy places. My
mother painted mainly buildings and landscapes, while I chose to
do portraits of people from all walks of life. This filled many
hours for us and gave terrific amusement to the crowds who
followed us wherever we went. There were many parties and
functions to organise and attend which usually lasted all day.
the abundance of flowers in almost every garden was an enormous
pleasure - the best of these, of course, was at Norbhu Lingka. Our
doctor, Captain Sinclair, was kept busy every day giving
vaccinations and medication to all that came to his surgery behind
our quarter in Dekyi Lingka. Apart from the local people, there
were many pilgrims who had come from the furthest corners of
Tibet, some even all the way from Mongolia. In fact, Tibet was
remarkably empty of foreigners, apart from a few traders from
Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan. Lhasa was, after all, the Forbidden
City, and as such had no embassies or permanent foreign residents
- apart from the Nepalese who had recently made peace with Tibet
after some border wars. The Maharajah of Nepal had given a present
to the Dalai Lama of two large elephants, which I took photographs
of - quite a sight in Lhasa! So now the Nepalese had a
representative and staff in the capital. I did a drawing of one
Chinaman in Lhasa - just a man on the street who was pointed out
to me as such. So, apart from the odd traders, there was
absolutely no Chinese presence there or on our travels in other
towns in Tibet. In my father's early days in Gyantse there were
ambans around, but apart from taking occasional photographs, he
had no official dealings with them. In 1932 there were none about.
I became very aware of the difficult political situation arising
at that time between tibet and China as I had to assist my father
de-cyphering the coded telegraph messages to and from the British
Minister in Peking and the Government of India. Suddenly, one of
our guides was urgently called up to go and help with the border
troubles. There seemed great apprehension in Lhasa as to what the
Chinese would do next on the borders, as the new regime was still
an unknown quantity. Communications were very slow as there was no
wireless in those days and rumour was rife. We were much delayed
on our departure for Sikkim as negotiations between the Kashag and
the Chinese was so protracted. The winter was setting in fast and
there was some doubt as to our chances of crossing the high
passes. This delay was partly caused by the Dalai Lama sending a
letter to the Tashi Lama (Panchen Lama -ed.) requesting his return
to Tibet from China - as soon as possible. This was considered of
utmost importance both by Col. Weir and the Dalai Lama, as well as
most Tibetans. Sadly, this never came to pass. The hostilities
going on between the Tibetans and Chinese on the Eastern borders
were slowing down due to the civil war situation in Szechuan.
Chiang Kai-Shek sent word that their troops were being withdrawn
from the disputed area. This eased the political anxieties
considerably and my father was given leave to begin his return
journey. By then it was early December and bitterly cold. The day
after we crossed the Nathu-la it was completely snowed up and
impassable for the winter. When my father wrote to thank the Dalai
Lama for his kindness and hospitality, and to say how lucky we
were to have crossed the passes in the nick of time, His Holiness
replied that this was not luck - He had prayed for it!
Late News
As we were preparing this issue, we received the sad news about
the passing away of Mrs. Joan Mary Jehu on October 19, 1994. His
Holiness the Dalai Lama sent a message of condolence to her family
on October 28, 1994 calling her "a close friend of Tibetans". Our
obituary is on page 25. Editor
Articles in this Issue:
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