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TALKING TIBET: modern history and Tibet today
Karma Chonphel, MP; Karma Yeshi, editor of Voice of Tibet; Thinley
Norbu, Tibet Support Group Coordinator.
Sunday 7th September, Community Hall, Dharamsala.
Report by Emilie Hunter, Students for a Free Tibet –UK.
Karma Choephel and Karma Yeshi drew in crowds of 120 plus who gathered
to hear our distinguished speakers elaborate on contemporary Tibet in an
event organised by Students for a Free Tibet –UK (SFT UK) and SFT
Dharamsala. Proponents of Rangzen (independence) their patriotic
dedication has been exemplified through their involvement in Tibet Youth
Congress, where both men have been Vice-President, through to their
current work. As an MP and well-known advocate for Rangzen we had asked
Karma Choephel to talk about Tibet’s modern history, and Karma Yeshi to
discuss Tibetans current situation, using his knowledge as editor of
Voice of Tibet.
The Tibetan Referendum- political abstention by the electorate.
Speaking on the 1997 Tibetan Referendum and Tibetan people’s modern
history, Karma Choephel’s speech revealed Tibetan’s struggle to embrace
democracy’s responsibilities; 64.7% requested His Holiness to choose
Tibet’s future political path. Mapping the referendum’s four-year
development from 1994 through to the final outcome in 1998, Karma
Choephel’s provocative insight into the fundamental problems of the
referendum result prompted intelligent discussion from the audience. I
was not alone in my ignorance of the disquiet that surrounds the
referendum’s result.
From 1994, when calls for a referendum and public analysis on the
current Middle Way approach began, grassroots education, discussion and
debate began within Tibetan settlements to select four voting options:
Rangzen (Complete Independence), Middle Way (autonomy within China),
Satyagraha (search for Truth) and self-determination. Yet only Rangzen
and Middle Way are political options –search for truth and
self-determination are fundamental rights entitled to all peoples;
Gandhi’s Satyagraha is a philosophy of inner truth, providing the
genesis of any political decision. As such it cannot be an end in
itself, as any search for truth reveals that Tibet is an occupied
sovereign nation, thereby requiring a second referendum to decide upon
the path to achieve the return to sovereignty. Self-determination is a
fundamental human right, bestowed upon the Tibetan people by the United
Nations in 1965.
The fifth option? The discomfort that Tibetans felt in making decisions
on their political future became clear when a fifth option emerged just
prior to the referendum vote- passing the responsibility to His Holiness
to decide their future path. Securing 64.7% of the votes, from Tibet and
the global exilic community, Karma Choephel reminded the audience of His
Holiness’s repeated moves away from political life- establishing a
democratic government to take responsibility for Tibet’s future
political success, and requesting Tibetans to take on the personal
responsibilities of democracy. Waiting until 1998 whilst more results
could be collected from within Tibet, His Holiness’s decision has been
congratulated as a sign of political and democratic wisdom- allowing
more votes to be counted. Yet its wider implications are often ignored.
Could it have been that His Holiness was waiting for a more decisive
result from within Tibet ? Karma Choephel argued that His Holiness’s
decision to maintain the Middle-Way policy was based less on political
conviction than out of a compassion-based compromise indicating His
Holiness’s recognition of the weight that his opinion carried within the
Tibetan population.
The Middle Way’s shortcomings. The Chinese government continue to place
unachievable pre-dialogue conditions upon His Holiness, who must accept
that Tibet and Taiwan has always been part of China, yet his monk vows
forbid him to lie. The Middle Way requires acquiescence from the Chinese
that is currently lacking; in 45 years of aggressive occupation, China
flouted its own 17 Point Agreement and has yet to demonstrate
flexibility towards Tibetan autonomy, appearing as an albatross-
dead-weight to its own ideals. In conclusion, Karma Choephel raised some
of the personal difficulties that would occur under genuine autonomy
–how would Tibetans live alongside the Chinese descendents who had raped
and murdered their family members? How would Tibetans integrate into an
economical situation so heavily biased in favour of Chinese without
massive resentment amongst the Chinese settlers? How would Tibetans’
nationalism live alongside and within the regime that had committed
unspeakable atrocities and bled their country to its current state of
atrophy?
In light of these concluding sentiments, Karma Yeshi started with an
anecdote, indicative of Tibet today – a Tibetan beggar, imprisoned by
Chinese authorities for singing Tibetan folk songs in Lhasa at the
behest Chinese tourists.
Lhasa-Golmud railway will accelerate population transfer. Fear of
suppression and arrest are exacerbated by China’s East-West transfer
policy –Tibetans have now become a minority within their homeland, as
6.5 million Han Chinese outstrip 5 million Tibetans. Further accelerated
by the Golmud-Lhasa railway construction, population transfer is the
most comprehensive method of eliminating cultural identity. Running
parallel to the semi-constructed Lhasa-Golmud highway, the line is
fraught with technical difficulties, it destroys fragile landscape,
disrupts rare animals migratory patterns and soaks millions of dollars
in the most poverty-stricken area within China. The universal fear of
the railway line ensuring rapid and permanent influx of Chinese
citizens, each receiving high financial incentive to settle in Tibet,
has fast become reality. Delhi University only 200 of 500 Tibetan
students will protest, government workers protect their job over their
nation, whilst the politically active remain outside official sanction.
Identity Cards embody Tibetan’s exile-identity. Holding a small
rectangle of card in the air, and visibly shaking, Karma Yeshi reminded
Tibetans that their true identity is encapsulated within their identity
cards- not their warm homes, racy motorbikes, elaborate jewelry or good
jobs. The paper, which entitles them to refuge in India, embodies their
impermanence- the invitation from a nation-state to a stateless people
is being overlooked in favour of the material attributes they should be
seeking within their homeland. As guests, Tibetans are party to greater
political freedom than their relatives within Tibet- excluded only from
voting- they are recipients of every other right- to own property, to
live with dignity, to receive education and freedom to practice religion.
Lack of political action within the Tibetan community. Imploring
Tibetans to carry their IC card with them as a reminder of their
transience in India, he pointed out that the low levels of political
activity amongst Tibetans is diametrically opposite to their strong
support for Tibetan culture. The example of Democracy Day (2nd
September) saw a maximum of 2000 Tibetan supporters, whilst the
preceding teachings by His Holiness draw far greater crowds. Lamenting
that Talking Tibet was organised by a non-Tibetan student group, Karma
Yeshi implored the Tibetan audience to take the initiative and get
involved, as time is running out.
Articles in this Issue:
Other articles this month -
WTN Index -
Mail the WTN-Editors
World Tibet Network NewsPublished by the Canada Tibet CommitteeThursday, September 25, 2003 |
2. TALKING TIBET: modern history and Tibet today
Karma Chonphel, MP; Karma Yeshi, editor of Voice of Tibet; Thinley
Norbu, Tibet Support Group Coordinator.
Sunday 7th September, Community Hall, Dharamsala.
Report by Emilie Hunter, Students for a Free Tibet –UK.
Karma Choephel and Karma Yeshi drew in crowds of 120 plus who gathered
to hear our distinguished speakers elaborate on contemporary Tibet in an
event organised by Students for a Free Tibet –UK (SFT UK) and SFT
Dharamsala. Proponents of Rangzen (independence) their patriotic
dedication has been exemplified through their involvement in Tibet Youth
Congress, where both men have been Vice-President, through to their
current work. As an MP and well-known advocate for Rangzen we had asked
Karma Choephel to talk about Tibet’s modern history, and Karma Yeshi to
discuss Tibetans current situation, using his knowledge as editor of
Voice of Tibet.
The Tibetan Referendum- political abstention by the electorate.
Speaking on the 1997 Tibetan Referendum and Tibetan people’s modern
history, Karma Choephel’s speech revealed Tibetan’s struggle to embrace
democracy’s responsibilities; 64.7% requested His Holiness to choose
Tibet’s future political path. Mapping the referendum’s four-year
development from 1994 through to the final outcome in 1998, Karma
Choephel’s provocative insight into the fundamental problems of the
referendum result prompted intelligent discussion from the audience. I
was not alone in my ignorance of the disquiet that surrounds the
referendum’s result.
From 1994, when calls for a referendum and public analysis on the
current Middle Way approach began, grassroots education, discussion and
debate began within Tibetan settlements to select four voting options:
Rangzen (Complete Independence), Middle Way (autonomy within China),
Satyagraha (search for Truth) and self-determination. Yet only Rangzen
and Middle Way are political options –search for truth and
self-determination are fundamental rights entitled to all peoples;
Gandhi’s Satyagraha is a philosophy of inner truth, providing the
genesis of any political decision. As such it cannot be an end in
itself, as any search for truth reveals that Tibet is an occupied
sovereign nation, thereby requiring a second referendum to decide upon
the path to achieve the return to sovereignty. Self-determination is a
fundamental human right, bestowed upon the Tibetan people by the United
Nations in 1965.
The fifth option? The discomfort that Tibetans felt in making decisions
on their political future became clear when a fifth option emerged just
prior to the referendum vote- passing the responsibility to His Holiness
to decide their future path. Securing 64.7% of the votes, from Tibet and
the global exilic community, Karma Choephel reminded the audience of His
Holiness’s repeated moves away from political life- establishing a
democratic government to take responsibility for Tibet’s future
political success, and requesting Tibetans to take on the personal
responsibilities of democracy. Waiting until 1998 whilst more results
could be collected from within Tibet, His Holiness’s decision has been
congratulated as a sign of political and democratic wisdom- allowing
more votes to be counted. Yet its wider implications are often ignored.
Could it have been that His Holiness was waiting for a more decisive
result from within Tibet ? Karma Choephel argued that His Holiness’s
decision to maintain the Middle-Way policy was based less on political
conviction than out of a compassion-based compromise indicating His
Holiness’s recognition of the weight that his opinion carried within the
Tibetan population.
The Middle Way’s shortcomings. The Chinese government continue to place
unachievable pre-dialogue conditions upon His Holiness, who must accept
that Tibet and Taiwan has always been part of China, yet his monk vows
forbid him to lie. The Middle Way requires acquiescence from the Chinese
that is currently lacking; in 45 years of aggressive occupation, China
flouted its own 17 Point Agreement and has yet to demonstrate
flexibility towards Tibetan autonomy, appearing as an albatross-
dead-weight to its own ideals. In conclusion, Karma Choephel raised some
of the personal difficulties that would occur under genuine autonomy
–how would Tibetans live alongside the Chinese descendents who had raped
and murdered their family members? How would Tibetans integrate into an
economical situation so heavily biased in favour of Chinese without
massive resentment amongst the Chinese settlers? How would Tibetans’
nationalism live alongside and within the regime that had committed
unspeakable atrocities and bled their country to its current state of
atrophy?
In light of these concluding sentiments, Karma Yeshi started with an
anecdote, indicative of Tibet today – a Tibetan beggar, imprisoned by
Chinese authorities for singing Tibetan folk songs in Lhasa at the
behest Chinese tourists.
Lhasa-Golmud railway will accelerate population transfer. Fear of
suppression and arrest are exacerbated by China’s East-West transfer
policy –Tibetans have now become a minority within their homeland, as
6.5 million Han Chinese outstrip 5 million Tibetans. Further accelerated
by the Golmud-Lhasa railway construction, population transfer is the
most comprehensive method of eliminating cultural identity. Running
parallel to the semi-constructed Lhasa-Golmud highway, the line is
fraught with technical difficulties, it destroys fragile landscape,
disrupts rare animals migratory patterns and soaks millions of dollars
in the most poverty-stricken area within China. The universal fear of
the railway line ensuring rapid and permanent influx of Chinese
citizens, each receiving high financial incentive to settle in Tibet,
has fast become reality. Delhi University only 200 of 500 Tibetan
students will protest, government workers protect their job over their
nation, whilst the politically active remain outside official sanction.
Identity Cards embody Tibetan’s exile-identity. Holding a small
rectangle of card in the air, and visibly shaking, Karma Yeshi reminded
Tibetans that their true identity is encapsulated within their identity
cards- not their warm homes, racy motorbikes, elaborate jewelry or good
jobs. The paper, which entitles them to refuge in India, embodies their
impermanence- the invitation from a nation-state to a stateless people
is being overlooked in favour of the material attributes they should be
seeking within their homeland. As guests, Tibetans are party to greater
political freedom than their relatives within Tibet- excluded only from
voting- they are recipients of every other right- to own property, to
live with dignity, to receive education and freedom to practice religion.
Lack of political action within the Tibetan community. Imploring
Tibetans to carry their IC card with them as a reminder of their
transience in India, he pointed out that the low levels of political
activity amongst Tibetans is diametrically opposite to their strong
support for Tibetan culture. The example of Democracy Day (2nd
September) saw a maximum of 2000 Tibetan supporters, whilst the
preceding teachings by His Holiness draw far greater crowds. Lamenting
that Talking Tibet was organised by a non-Tibetan student group, Karma
Yeshi implored the Tibetan audience to take the initiative and get
involved, as time is running out.
Articles in this Issue:
- Dalai Lama says he is ready to go to China (AFP)
- TALKING TIBET: modern history and Tibet today
- Sharpton Keeps Dalai Lama Waiting, Then Charms the Crowd (NYT)
- The Dalai Lama's Fans (NYT)
- China appreciates Russia's visa rejection to Dalai Lama, FM spokesman (Xinhua)
- Caterpillar set to tread on new turf (CD)
- Boeing biz jets soar into China (CD)
- Chairman: Ethnic Tibetans still No 1 in region (Xinhua)
- Official Tibet to make good use of every cent from central government (Xinhua)
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